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AOnRKSlS 



FREE-SOIL QUESTION. 



BY WILLIAM D. C. MURDOCK. 



" qu'ij-a-t-il?" 

Since the institution of our Government it has had to en- 
counter many difliculties, foreign and domestic. But, with one 
exception, tliey have all been met and successfully overcome 
by the wisdom of our statesmen, the skill and valor of our 
military and marine, the good sense of our people, and the 
patriotism of all. The exception meant is the Free-Soil ques- 
tion. This slill remains, with all its supposed concomitant dif- 
liculties, and its threatening issues, and hangs like a baleful 
cloud on a horizon otherwise serene, casting a dismal gloom 
over the future prospects of the country. 

It is obvious that at present apprehension exists to an unu- 
sual degree on this subject. And it is also remarkable that this 
apprehension appears to be most strongly felt — not by the 
young, the thoughtless, the inexperienced — but by statesmen of 
the highest standing for wisdom, experience, and forethought — 
the grey-haired, profound men of the nation. Indeed it is a 
circumstance that invests this subject with an almost awful 
interest, that this has ever been the case ; that every approach 
to an agitation of this question, has seemed to cause dismay, 
tlie most to those who while they may be reasonably expected 
to feel the most intense interest in the governmental structure 
which they have assisted to rear and so long defend, may also 
be supposed to possess the best knowledge of what is most likely 
to cause its downfall. 

Mr. Jefl'erson most forcibly expresses his fear of this question, 
involving possibly as it does the dissolution of the Union, and 
says mournfully, that while resting, in the evening of a life 
spent in the service of his country, this controversy suddenly 
sounded, like a fire bell in the night, to disturb his repose. 

But young America has a right to enquire, and will certainly 
ask, what is there in the Free-Soil question that makes it so 



2 V 

different from all others ? We enjoy the advantages, the bless- 
ings of a union formed by the wisdom of our ancestor.^, of States 
of con.siderablo number, and great extent and resources. AVhat 
is there in tliis question to baiilethe intelligence and patriotism of 
the country ? It has ever been the manly trait of tlie American 
peoplc.^pjctok dif^ultyih the face. A)id when th^/come to_ 
take "a cool and cahn sur\ey of this question — -when tiiey come 
to look it in the face, it may be said with confidence, they v.ill 
see in it nothing whatever, either in its present position, in the 
circumstances by which it is surrounded, or in the feeling it has 
engendered, calculated to prevent or disturb a settlement, on 
Bound principles, mucli less to excite fears of danger or fatal 
consequences to the union of these States. 

A political fjucstion to be diihcult or dangerous, must be so 
either in itself, from the difliculty of adjusting it on sound 
piinciples, or from collateral considerations tending to make such 
settlement impossible ordiilicult, or from feelings engendered by 
it of similar tendency ; and if it can be shown that none of these 
is.iTisaperable, tlic existence of any ground of alarm concerning 
it is eleajly disproved. 

It will be readily admitted that American statesmen should 
bring yxo provincial feeling or sectjioual prejudice, and do bring 
i^oaev into the consideration of this or any other question. The 
members of our National Legislature, are sent, it is true, from 
every State and every district of our vast country. But it is 
to bri»g into that Legislature such a knowledge of the wants of 
every jfcrt) as Avill make legislation ben' ficial to every part of 
the country. It is not to collect coniiieting, irreconcileable, 
sectional views, the ascendancy of any one of which would per\crt 
legislation and render it imj)racticabte on sound national and 
just principles. For this reason the sectional feelings to which 
1 propose to advert, and whose bearing on the settlement of the 
Free-Soil question I propose to consider in this address, arC' 
tjiose .oijly jiupposed to exist, without the walls of Congress. 

, IV fS will now therefore proceed to examine whether there 
at^ tiijy coliateral considerations connected with the Free-Soil 
qnfeelii^n, wiiich render it impossible to adjust it in n statesman- 
like manner on sound principles. This it will be perceived 
invoiv^g atpticclhe consideration of the bearings of slavery on 
s^veralifiubjrctflof great moment to the American people. Such 
as»itheir religion, their political interests, the honor and reputa- 
tifln of their oounlry. . : 

In .the first plactt we i^nli enquire is s^a«^e^y.teontm^y to the 
rejif^ioii uf the Am<rican prople. If if can be proved to be so, 
I ;foriOj»e will be willing to give it up. 



Ever i.;iuce the time of Numa religion, even if spu- 
lioos, has been considered a necessary auxiliary to the magis- 
trate and the statesman. How much more important must it 
be nov\ , when true religion exists, that the measures of the 
Government should accord with its dictates ? . 

The religion of nearly all our people is Christianity. Let us 
first enquire, then, is it contrary to the previsions of Christiianity. 
What these are we can only know by consulting that volume 
of revealed truth on which Christianity is founded. And upon 
doing this, the institution of- slavery will be found so plainly 
sanctioned by it, that it is amazing to any reflecting mind that iii 
these days when the various Bible Societies have spread the 
knowledge of the Scriptures on every side, men can be found 
hardy enough to denounce it on tlie pretended authority of reli- 
gion — at least the Christian religion. If there is a fact more clear- 
iv to be proved than that it is perfectly consistent with that 
religion as revealed in the Bible, I have not been able to dis- 
cover it. i ' 

But we hear and see many things in this world calculated to 
call to mind, and impress it deep too, the maxim ?ji/ adrnirari— 
wonder at nothing. ;;i-,M '■; 1 1- '■ 

It has been usually conceded to divines the exclusi're|)i^i¥i- 
lege to quote Scripture. But as some of them seem to have 
quoted of late in such manner as to set the people together by 
the ears on this question, and to produce a state of things threat- 
ening the peace and order of society, it becomes the duty of thQ 
politician to claim the right to quote also on this particulai: 
subject. 

If we examine the old Testament we find in Deuterondmy, 
chapter 20th, and Leviticus ■25th, the permission to make slaves iii 
certain cases, such as captives taken in war and by purchase. 
In Exodus, chapter 21st, the right is granted to sell temporarily 
for debt ; the children born to the slave during vassalage to 
remain with and belong forever to the master. And if at the expira- 
tion of his term, the slave prefers to remain ^vith them, a cere- 
mony is provided by which he himself becomes a slave for 
life. 

In Exodufi, chapter QOth, we find certain rules of conduct given 
by the voice of God himself, the tenth of which enumerates the 
rights of the slaveholder among those the most sacred and the 
most dear to man, and with them defends it from the least 
invasion ; the word servant of our version being slave in the 
original. In Genisis, chapter 12th and 14th, and Job, chapter 1st, 
we find Abraham and Job, the one called the father of the 
faithful, and both pronounced to be peculiar favorites of Heaven, 



lu Im- uuncu of uiiim-iou» »lttV('» i-urh. Su iiiuch lur iii<- olii 
Tc*tAOU-iil. 'I'hoM- un* huiricii'iit . but tluT«- are iimii) ollu-r 
p«MAi;t-» lu tht- MU1IC (-(Tret. 

Ill flu- iii'M T(-»taint-ii( uf fuiil iH* rt-V(Mu(i()ii of this, but on 
th«- rontmry «i" m-<- St. I'liiil, tin- A|Ki!»tl«- of tin- (leiitilnt, in 
J'hili'niun, M-iuiinij; back a ruiiiiu uy slu\ r to his inauter, both bein^ 
pruftsMirik t>l rcliKiou. AIm* in l>t Timothy, chapter 6. we 
lind the most awful (It-nunciatious ugainst tliOM- who Irucii 
■bulitiun <lo<-triui*)i in tlic* name of rclit^ion, unti in ( 'olii(«iaiift, 
chapter 3<1 und 4th. \vc lind ntinu-rouK iiijuiu-tions Injth to 
nuu4cr and ^luve fur their conduct lu each oilier. The bouk is 
iu e\ery man's hand ; lei ciu-h exuniine f-ir himself. 

And now K-t nu- usk w hat M>rt of a champion orexen friend of 
the ('hri^tiitll religion can he Ih*. who can. in the face of all this, 
denounce in its name an institution so |ilainiv n'cu;;niM d und 
fkanctioned by it. So iwrfectly in it ideiitiiie<l with it. that if 
hiaxcry could bo pro\cd to be contrary tu the w ill of (iml. it 
would be diiruiilt atiy luni^cr to defend on rational grounds thr 
rrli^ion ilM-if. 

Christianity may be pronouuced cn\phatirally the relipion of 
the American people: for althoni;h tln-n- may be a few other 
relii(ionLsLs. they are so very tVw a.s to be oidy an excepti»in to 
the general rule. .\e\ jtIIkIcns, ils it is u true rule in urynment 
a> iu war to Iea\t* no hostih* fortrcMt behind, however inconsidv- 
rable, we will advert to tlie rest. 

The Jeu i.sh rclit(ion is in the wime cateporr t» the ChriMian, 
lM'in^ baM-d. or prt>fc»inK tu be bosed. on the ()|d Tcktameut, 
and therefore u hut htt.s In-en said applies e«pnill\ to it. 

It i» not known what number of Nlahometan.s there may he 
in the conntf \ . but the Coran suncliuns^lu\ery, as any one will 
find \}\ luiisiijtiii^ it. 

There urea few Pagans. Indians, within our limit.s w iio 
ma\ \h- interested in this i|U(*stion. but their relii^ioii, not pro- 
fv«*in({ to In- r* sealed, has no tii;ht tooppoM- ^la\erv, u hicli to 
du till ni |usti(i the Indiiiis dii not. and are many of them 
»J«\ eholdets. 

I kt.' u no other religionists hut I)eist<. I did not know 
ui.! \ that llnse (Ininii'd to be a vet, but hnxe Im-cu 

iul' I Ml New \ oik and other places they hnveuctually 

cunir lu a heod mi far an to have ori;anised eoni;rt!^tioiu, and that 
th< ri art- nunc mure inclined to abolition. 

hurh a Cfetij 8» ihcim not bei-ij, n id not prof«*^sing to be 
revenbd. fthouhl hnvr nolhin;; ixMtpe alxiiil it. it ^hould not 
•••rn anv tiling. And their i'hurch may be aaid to be to 



rflii(ion, what point No-Point is t-' tli<- ntO(4ia|»li\ <<\ tin- 
Chesapeake Buy. 

Their lelinioii is purely iiei-ative. And if A iinion^j thnn 
( hoosfs todeiiv that sliwcrv or imv thin^els*' is ri;^ht, iiiid turns 
ahoiitioiiist. lu- has a perfect rii^dit to <io so. 

On the othir hand if li (hnies that slavery i'^ wronir, and 
turn slavehohler. he is also justitii-d hy this eonvenient rrefd ; 
for heini; founded uurelv on opinion, it has no rii^ht to pro- 
nounce autln>ritativelv on anv point. 

I-'or sup]»ose A should indict H for heresy l>efore the hi^h 
ecclesiastical court of his sect. In a religious court, where there 
is no autlu)rit:iti\e standard, uo revealed code hy which to ileline 
or prove oOence or adjudge penalty, all the parties, .lude;e 
included, in such a case, would Ik.' exceedini^ly at a loss how to 
proceed, what to do, and w hat to say. 

Such a sect ou<;ht surely to he very tolerant, hut nevertheless, 
such is the nature of man, th«'re is none said to Ijc more intole- 
rant of slavery on relijjious jjrounds than this. 

It seems then that this institution cannot he fairly pronounced 
contrary to any religion, true or false, now existins; in the 
United States, hut just the reverse. 

Ijideed there are conditions of life to which it would be a 
bles>ini; and relief, such as that of those poor outcasts, the 
laborinix population of Europe, and particularly of France and 
Great Britain, the leadinij abolitionist natinns. 

Conlined as they are to certain narrow districts ; broui^ht 
back, if they attempt to wander, by overseers and constables; 
oblisjed to work for pfrindinji capitalists for any wacfes they 
please to f:cive, never more thati sull'icient to snpj)ly immediate 
necessity ". liable to be turned oil' at any moment to bee; or starve, 
slavery would indeed be a blessinp; atid relief to them. 

And it is a remarkable fact that Queen Elizabeth succeeded to 
cure the wretched pauperism of this da.vs. in her time, by 
authorisini; the magistrates to compel wealthy indivirluals to 
take such persons and support them, making them labor in their 
service. 

Also, we find the laboring population of France now claiming 
what they call the riijht to labor, and their CoTivention is said 
to be now engaged in settling this knotty point in theecoHomy of 
their social system. How they can do it witlu)ut resorting to 
Elizabeths jilati is more than I can .see. 

Hut it may be said that abr)lition is called for by philanthropy. 
And it has been so said by at least one distiiJguishecl philan- 
thropist, Mr. Garrison, and many others, his pupils iu the 
United States. 



G 

Althoufib it ii> oul of owr way, und the course we had dc- 
sijiiu-d. Wfwill heru blcp aside, ami dia;riss so tar ns.to ejiuniiiie 
thi» aiisertioii. It is a vt-iv leiuuikubie thius^', and or.e i hove 
uo( seeu noticed m l\m conlrovt-isy, that negro slavery owes 
its ixisti-iicc on the Amerifaii Continent, and in iliese United 
SUtoii, to a dUtiuK"i«i»e-d. philanthiopist — BartJiolernew de 
Las CjLsas. It is reldted that the <i;ood Liis Casas heing 
ffrifved ul the conditioo of the indiaii slaves of Spanish America, 
formed tlif plan to subject negro slaves in their .stead. 
,' To this he was movt'd hy the i'oiknvins; considerations: ithe 
Indians Wire wcaktuid littiu capable of labor, the negioes 8tt"ong 
and abJi*-ho<licd ; the negroes Mere cheerful and ligut-heavted, 
the Indians desponding and unhappy , in servitude-'; the 
nejfrocs were without the pale of C/hrihtiunity, the Iivdians within 
it ahi-ady. / ^ ' -u^ 

1 do not know if the philanthppists of those primative times 
were as iucoiyjidf rate tw tiiuse of the present. I do not know if 
th«' worth v liic^ Casas. having become enthusiastic concerningthis 
pn-jfrt,wiiich has occasioned so much useless trouble to iiis brother 
philanthropists of the present day, entered upon it withoat 
due ^on^i»ic^ation of all the boarine;s which it would have 
upon the p^ojile of Africa, tlve. intended »egrp substitutes for the 
Intli^mti. 1 •■ . .; , ■!■,- L'.ii i".i; 

15ut it is most probable that he acted teoosiderfttely and un- 
derslandiniiiy — more so than his successors; who, if they liad 

E'niscd the arcounls of that country as given' by Mungo Park, 
enhauj. ( iaj.jjcrlou, the handas, and others, would have 'per- 
ceived tliat there was not the least occasion for their worthy pre- 
dtec.s!»or or any body else to send man stealers to steal away the 
free nrnroes of Africa, as they have asserted;: for if the latter indi- 
viiluals had consulted these and other authorities, they rai'^ht have 
seen tliat Africa was, and probably has ever been jjAce the 
time of liani. a vast slave market, where four-lifihs .of the 
p«ipulatiou are slaves to tlie rest, and couHtitutc a great portion 
ol ttu ir wi'uhh. 'i'hey might have seen also that no unusual 
hiT'i'hij) \. "cd, even to tlie purchased slaves, tbem- 

•^'^'■^ ''\ I' 'iM so for away to this country. i. 

; ) all those writers, particularly 
'' 'f ])etty States, generally no blg- 

H' .lerally at war with each other. 

' I ken ])riso;iers are usually put to 

''■ labor, aud therefore wortiilesf;, while 

" be pold. And these .slaves, together 

^* '>\ t^i'irowuers, if uot sent to the coast 

'" '' ■ 1'' invavial>lv sent to countries io 



llie interior, a thousand or riiore iiiiies distant from home. And for 
this tilain reason, nobody would purchase them nearer, lest they 
migiit es;cape back. 

•They might have seen all this, and they might have seen also 
that African servitude is exceedingly harsh, the masters being 
barbarous, cruel, jealous, on account of tlie great disproportion- 
ate numbers of the slaves; invested with the despotic power 
of life and death, and exercising it without remorse. 

Besides agi'icuitural implements are so imperfect and agricul- 
ture so rude in that country, that famines are frequent, almost 
annual, during which the slaves, always stinted, sutler the 
most. The country also aboimds with enormous beasts of prey, 
the liGn,&c. and great serpents, to which the slave, being engaged 
in tillage, is much exposed, in constant dread, and frequently 
becomes a prey. 

In short, the philanthropist of the present day, if he had 
taken the trouble to inform himself thoroughly on a subject 
concerning which lie felt inclined to do and say as much as he 
has, would have discovered that a distinguished brother, Bar- 
tholomew LasCasas, had taken a very different and more just view 
of this subject; had taken a'course; entirely opposite to his ownf 
and so doing, was a beneiactor, not only to the Indians, but 
the negroes themselves. But in all this the Americen people 
have now )io concern, however remote. Neither have they 
in the' hardships which they who have set them.seives " to trou- 
ble Israel,"' assert were encountered by the negroes' on their 
passage to tJiis country. The people of Great Britain, if they 
have any respect for their ancestors, are more interested to con- 
test such assertions ; for f/fc/r Government would have them 
sent, and their sea captains brought them. It is truej I have for 
one always doubted the trutJi of such accounts. It seems in- 
credible that British sea captains having bought slaves on the 
coast of Africa, would do anything, wilfully, to injure them, 
when. their interest required them to be brought safely and in 
good condition to America, where they were to be sold. I do 
not believe that any but accidental hardships ever occurred, 
such as do now occur aboard of packets filled with emigrants 
coming voluntariiy to this country, and which lately required 
and received preventive interference from our GoA^ernment. 

But even should such hardsliips have been suffered, it is evi- 
dent that the slave nm,tt so much the more have hailed the ap- 
proach^ of the humane Cliristian planter, who delivered him 
Irom >the British slave-skip and the British sea captain, as a 
friend and benefactor, v/hich in truth he was. 

It appears then that philanthropy has no right to interfere 



now in tliis qut-stion at all, lest she be called an incuniiistent 
!;iiide. For Air. Garrison and his pupils, are no better author- 
ity now, than Las Casas and his adherents in ionner times. — 
They haye no right to undo by abolition Avhat he has done, and 
thereby subject the American people to the inconvenience of a 
free negro population. Philanthropy can only do this: as she 
brought negroes from the coast of Africa, in former times, and 
sold them to the American people, she can therefore now only 
buy them back again, or take those already free and send them 
back to Liberia, anel that is what Christianity, the true philan- 
thropy, is now doing. 

After this digression we will now proceed to examine the 
bearings of sla\ ery upon the political interests of the American 
people. It has been complained that it has had an unfavorble 
iiillucnce concerning the political interests of the non-slavehold- 
ing part of the Union ; for that part has never had its due 
share of the highest honors of the republic, the offices of Pre- 
sident and Vice President. That the slaveholding part has al- 
most monopolised these honors and otFices, and that its peculiar 
politics have thence had unecjual, undue influence over the ac- 
m)n of the Government. If this had been asserted of the State 
of Virginia it would have been correct. It is true that she has 
had an undue share of the highest honors, and that her i)eculiar 
politics have had unccjual and undue influence in the Govern- 
ment. But it is not so clear what the institution of slavery has 
to do with this grievance. 

One of the Presidents taken from Virginia will be admitted 
by all to have been the best qualified for the station of any in 
tlie country. Concerning the rest, few will deny that they 
were capable to do honor to the popular choice, even if there 
were others in the country as well, or better, (pialifled for the 
place. There are many, also, who will say that the Virginia 
policy, from its intrinsic merit, ought to prevail. 

AVhy the American people ha\e so often selected Virginians 
for Presidents and Vice Presidents, ])roceeds, probably, from 
the prestlo-e produced by two very favorite Presidents, ^^ ash- 
ington and .leflerson, having been citizens of that State. The 
same partiality, directed by the posthumous influence of JNIr. Jef- 
ferson, has hitherto contributed to the ascendency of her pecu- 
liar policy. If those po])ular lirst Presidents had been citizens 
of J\'nnsylvania or JN'ew Vork the same ])artiality would have 
existed towards the statesmen of those States. If there is any 
hardship in this the rest of the South has as much, or more, to 
comi)lain of than the North. Of the old Southern States, ex- 
cept Virginia, South Carolina alone has received this honor. 



The south-west has beon more tbrtunate. But both together 
have liad no more, cojnparatively with the North, than its 
population entitled it to. That is it" the Vice President be allow- 
ed to be, what he certainly is, equal, in honor and dio;nity, to 
the President, although not in power and patronage. But this 
jiartiaJity for Virginia Presidents is fast wearing away even in 
V^irginia herself, and her citizens haVe not ahvays been elected 
nnth her own consent. Time will cure this grievance, and she 
vi'ill at last have no more influence than she is entitled to from 
the talents of her representatives, her powerful vote, her central 
position, and her intelligent, virtuous and patriotic population — 
comprising in the different parts of her extensive territory the 
various conditions of the northern, southern and western people. 

Her policy, also, the ultra agricultural, whether right or 
wrong, time will prostrate even among her own people. It is 
produced by the nature of her Constitution, restricting the right 
of suffrage so long to freeholders, and now to householders ; it 
gives the ascendency, almost the monopoly, to agriculture in her 
councils ; it banishes, in a manner, every other class. Hence 
her political views are those of a State exclusively agricultural. 
Neither the manufacturing or mercantile classes can exert any 
influence, or commimicate any information, in her legislature 
concerning their peculiar interests, identified as they are with 
tho?e of agriculture itself. The same state of things exists in 
the new States, of both the North and the South, where there 
are as yet no considerable manufacturing or mercantile classes, 
and has no relation to slavery whatever. 

Maryland, a State having similar antiquity, population, soil, 
climate, and slave institution as Virginia, has always opposed 
her policy, because she has universal suffrage, and in her coun- 
cils the manufacturing and mereantile classes can be heard. 
Also, Delaware and ]ientucky. Other southern States seem 
i)!so inclined to the same course, Louisiana, Georgia, North 
Carolina, and Tennessee. 

When population becomes more dense in the new States, 
they will change their policy, as Virginia will change hers, 
when she adopts universal sufFrage, which she must do in the 
course of time. 

With regard to the Presidency it may also be said, that no 
individual need covet it. from any personal considerations. We 
have the testimony of Washington, who filled the office under 
circumstances more favorable to his personal happiness than 
any other President ever has or ever will enjoy again. In 
his letter to Mr. Jefferson, entreating him not to leave his 
Cabinet, he speaks of his wretchedness in office. He says he 
Z 



10 

i -luM- tu tito cutistituciiU. u\(-rvviu-Iuui) wilU the 
•I uli'icial du(\ . uiid, iiiurt-ttvcr, uw iiix lu lid* uiis«.uu- 
!>(>uittoii ul his \ ir\v». aiiii (iu* iiii*ii-])ri-M.-ttUtiuii u| hU iic(iuii> 
(ihc gencnil dctriictiuii tliiil lii»> doj(^;cd llic »U-p» iifcvt-ry Pu-m- 
dcnt iVoin \i\s tiini- to lliio,; he it. wr«tchcd iu otXuv. Aud. 
iudvi-d. fiuiii tlit-Mr raUM-A, lillle M-ii»ihilily can thiit itwn Iianc 
u bo can citjov ihc I'roidrncy. '1 Iu- olhic of Nice President 
is better cticuni>tiiured, lia\ing e«|uul hunur and di^nit) , but not 
cuuu^h power and patrona|{e to excite envy, liut, neveilht - 
U*Mi, tlic Pie^idtncv i^ one of those lhingi», like nidUin»on\ . 
wiultli, Jk-c, ul' wfuth nothing; sutioliei uiool n»en but |»erMjnuI 
cxiR-rieuce. Notwiihittandin^ that niutriiuouy alone, hiu ev«r 
had unv fit\orablu li.otinion\. 

1 will now proceed tu examine the Ituit reniaininx coii>iderB- 
tion buppoM.-d ca)Hible to warp the views of home, and ^uevent 
a clear diM-ernn>ent «'f the pro|K-r courM- of policy on this occa- 
lion. It i», that abolition is reouired to nu serve the honor of 
the counlrv in the estimation of other nutiuns. 

Uv utlicj nations, is usually ujeanl (jreat lUitaiu and France, 
the two nations ll»at dirtate the sentinunLs and opinions, a* 
wi II ns the fitshion*. abroad .If thostr tw o nations, tonelher wilk 
I not stand in the character of the authors and promo- 
. \erv on the American continent, an«l of the slave trade 
on the coajil ol Africa, and if they had not been the adxocalen 
of both as long aa it was profitable to themstU t s, ih« y mij^ht 
be in a titualion to make taunt* at us, cutting enoujih to those 
who lake the opinions of others ai> their standard of ri^ht and 
their rule of conduct. 

Great Ihiuin. not content with suppl> iuR slaves to her own 
colunit**, waned a long and bloody war with Spain and Fiance, 
in order t«» obtuin, amonj; other thinijs, a participation in the 
astitulo. or «oiiliaei to lurnish slaves to Spanish America, and 
finally obtaine.l it in 1713. by the treat> of Itrecht. Hut 
('ttt\i Hrilain mimI Frmire hav<? enough to do at home, to elevate 
theuwr«tch' j population to a rank of physical happi- 

nes* and r«<., '\ equal to the ne^jrtx's of the I itit(>d 

.state*. 

I will now give hrrr »ome quotations from two travellers ii\ 
(ileal Britain and Iteland, as an f xcmplil'icttion of this. The 
hr»t ;• from ihf |oumal of a traveller who visited Fnjtland in 
IfU^. and piiblshrd anonvmously undrr ih* titlo of a Sum- 
mrf« Jaunt arr-M* the \N at. r. When there, he went to 
Windsor Tartlr. and examined ainoni; other |^rl* of thai 
•pliiMlid pile. ih. aparimrnts of the ro\al don» and hoi-M-s. and 
here u his arrount of ihem : An appropriition was nfcntly 



11 

nvidc in Parliament of three h-.iiidnd t/u>usaui{ dollarn to rebuild 
th«'«;e a|ij)tirt»"iiuiu*t's, :uul accordingly tlu-v un* luxuriotijilv Inrgi.-, 
neat, and airy. Tht- rows of prey ironies • • • • • look »U'ek 
and conifortabit', as if they knew what rovai fare was." Now 
the dogs, • • "it is worth while to j^lani-e at the * •* • pot dogs. 
First we see their handsome portraits painted by no h-ss a per- 
sonage than the celebrated Laudsevr, the first painter in liis 
line in the world, as thev are eleu;antlv framed and s\jspended 
iu the front room of the Lodge: then go with the portly Keeper 
into the kennel." 

The second is from the " Three Kingdoms,' by the Viscount 
D Arlincourt. 1845. He visited the renowned Earl of Eglington, 
»nd this is his account of the sumptuous suite of rooms in Eg- 
lington Castle, appropriated to the entertainment of the Earl's 
horses: " The horses are not kept in stables, but in regular 
upartments, prececded by ante-rooms ; nothing but looking 
glasses are wanting to render them complete drawing rooms, 
but that will be supplied some day perhap>^." .'^urclv Caligula's 
horse, if uuamintious of the consulship, might have been here 
content. 

Contrast this with the following account of the hovel of a 
peasant, by the same author: "1 perceived a hut near me, 
which I entered — what a sad spectacle I beheld (here! A 
family of wild-looking bcing.s, barelv f lad, were there cower- 
ing over a great fire, and surveying me, as I advanced, with 
haggard eyes, as if I had been an emanation from the tempest, 
or a harbinger of the thunder. The owner of this singular den 
had no chnir to ofler me, iScc." And this also of tlic appearance 
and costume of the peasantry in Scotland, tlie weather being 
unpleasantly cold: "The inhabitants of lona bear a great 
resemblance to .savages. Many of the children are in the 
primitve attire of the terrestrial paradise, excejit that instead 
of a girdle of fig leaves, they have a bundle of rags around them. 
A woman dressed very much after this f.^shion, with red hair 
and livid complexion, ofl'ered us shells fur s;ilr.' These 
accounts do not ajipear to be a material exception to the usual 
mode of living of the horses and dogs of the rich, and of the 
laboring population of that nation, as anv one may see who will 
take the trouble to examine the reports of the committees of 
Parliament on this subject. Comment is useless. 

Dean Swift had scenes enough immediately around him, from 
which to draw materials for his story of the Flouvhnhnms and 
\ ahoos. And the American may say with truth, that there is 
no institution in his country, as in Great Britain, that depresses 
any part of the people below the brute cr<'ation. 



I-: 



Wall ii-^drtl t>> lh>' iKMjr ul I'taiut.- lilt-it laic tii^pctutt. uud 
frrttrtM-j". ntt«*m|'J* !<> !>rl!i'4 ; IxMit a !>Ulc ol lhiu;(N in which 



due portion <•!' ih(- IruiU ol 

•.s t') /'.'rfr »t;'.ti nl iitti i 



pct»l 



hi.- ciii, w uiiid M.sU)UUkh 



bv u chickfJi in the. }>ot ul' every peasant iu hi^ domiuiuiui, »nd 
thik savinu was cQii>iidered :i threat murk ui' the beucvuience ut 
lint jHipulur Kii^. lUil hi-s w i^h was pcrlctUy Utopian: he 
iiL\cr 8»uw llial da), aur did aiiy of hi& .succa»or>. 

But r\try lu-^^ro shive. with as, ha> thii, or may have it, if 
In- pit asis. On plant iliun.s. thty all have their ;;ardeii.s if they 
Want thi Ml, and liu- pri\ilt:i;e to raise their chickens aiid thc^r 
pig^ , and mark «ine thiu^, tluy art* not compelled by iuceK.ilv 
tu M-Il them to pav rent to a \oluptuous, idle, extravafriiut land- 
lord. Tluv all have found them comfortable dcthes. houses, 
&i^., and .sullicient food, :.< ■^r.i>:\. or nearlv lio, as their masters. 

Hut let Ureal Britain ■ of her jiolicy on thi> 

continent before she uad .i iu> on any subject. 

There uever hu-S been a war in wiiieh we imve ever been eu- 
gd^ii-d with her. and. we may add, France aiid Spain, thut she 
and they did not bring the tomahawk and licalpin;; knife uf the 
^a\a;;e a^uin>l the women, the children, and the aj^ed of our 
people — tlioM! whom the lawk of natioij.s, receivcxl by all civil- 
i/ed nalioM-. rcijuired to be * ' ; >• neutmls in war, to be 

iMi\e«l liurmle-s from all viol > lly perpetrated or iudi- 

ret tl) iiibtiu'alrd. The eHUti In 'U "i dreal Britain is stained 
with ill)- iiiiiod (if th(>us4in(h>of the fair, the a^ed. and the weak 
of a • and Chriiitian people. And lately, in 

our ' ;i*^ oil (hf Ore;;(>«) mid iSOrlhenbtern 

! li, .".bowed 

I ihe law.s of 

Miidi'd then 
V I at once ri*- 

ptidiated .ityol ihc .Vniericun 

I>a1''ic . ' .\ in- ill. Iiusnil.ili- 

.,.i!ui 

I l tlK 



ii-(4.-i\fd uilli k-ulliu^iiiM)) l)\ (lu- iK'iU herouN savai>L'<». lii(iu;l| 
such buib:iruiis .seiiliuiciiLs pcr\Jil<; ihi- iialiiui, uud iciiUcr iU 
upitiiuus of liuli: ('Ull^<«■^llCll(t- to utlicis on siuli subjccLs uh tliu. 

Let the litilisli slalcsiuan corifrt ihrst- tUiii)i>.; li;i liim ifnn: 
lu make luisi'rable paii;H,TS by his laws ul" priiiiou'iiiturc, 
w nlclicil VDUUifer sous ol younjiiM- brothers; let him ci-asc ty 
pluuilcr those poor outcasts by unequal tuxHtiun, auU revenue 
iuws calculated to make continuully the rich richer, and ihe poor 
poorer; hut until lie docs nil this, the Aiuericun slatesniun cau 
meet his tuints on the subject of slavery in the words ol' the 
Divine Author ol" Christianity, "say not unto thy brother Ul 
me remove the mote ol thine eye, and behold a beam is iu 
thine own eye; but rather lirst ca^toiU the beam out of thine ow n 
eye, and then thou w ilt see more clearly lu remove the mote 
out ol' thy brother's eye.' 

Such are the considerations supposed important enouijh l<* 
require consideration at this time. They appear to be only &»> 
so much rubbish, tendinsf to obstruct, imleed, the approaeJies ol 
the American patriot ajid the American peoj)le towards a s»ttle- 
ment of Uie Free-Hoil question, but not sutlicient to prevent 
such settlement on just and statesmanlike principles. What 
that settlement and those principles are. is the next subject for 
inquiry. It may here be again repeated, that any thing like 
sectional or provincial feeling, w hether of the North or the 
South, must be, and are supposed to be dismissed from the 
mind of the inquirer after truth on this subject, and national 
sentiments alone brought into action. 

In such a state of mind we may proceed with hopes of suc- 
cess to in(juire, What is a statesmanlike settlement of the Free- 
Soil question r The same, it may at once be answered, sus a 
statesmanlike settlement of any other (juestion. The statesman 
must take things and people as they are. lie must consider 
the interests of the wjjole American peojde, and so arrange as 
to secure them the greatest good and avert the most evil. 

And w hat are the circumstances of the American peo|ii<; on this 
subject. Slavery now exists among them throughout the coun- 
try south of Mason and Dixon's Line, the tJliio. and, further 
west, south of the 36th parallel of latitude, as far a« the Kocky 
Mountains. It not only exists, but from considerations which 
,wiU be explained, it is likely ever to exist. 
^ On the other hand, it has been abolished north of those lines, 
for reasons that will also be explained. And this state of things 
has produced another question for consideration and setth-- 
ment by our statesmen. Besides the Free-Soil question, wliich 
involves the extension of slavery beyond the Kooky Aloun- 



n 

t»in« uituthcr x* «o itilird to it lliat it i<« itnpC4<ibli> to treat uf 
or »rttl»* !hi« without rxpbiiiiup uiid *ftthtij{ the other — the 
rendition of futjitive slaxc*. Leave the latter unsettled, 
•nd the North would then be hut a thorn in the side of the 
South. It it »o obvious indeed that these two subjects are «o 
eluMrly connected as to be jmjwrfectly fettled if settled separ- 
ately, that we will proceed tn examine the present state of 
those two (|u>-stions. und explain f'.irtlu-r the principles on which 
thev •ihotild bf armnt!;ed. 

On exHiiiiiiinij the subject rK>«iflv w c perceive with surpris'* 
thnt both ijue^tions. nre settled already in a way suthrientlv 
stutesinanliki' to be sali^^factory to the South, but some further 
action i-» devimbh- to the North on the question of rendition, 
although not absolutely necessary. ^ es. thanks to the wisdom 
of our stati-siiH-n both of the p.t'.t and the present time, these 
two difficult questions an' iilreadv si-ttled. as we will undertake 
to show . ill a manner that u\n\ well content tlit- South, fthe 
part most alTt-rted by them.) while the North h:\^ reason to 
seek legislation on the qui'stion <if rendition, and does seek le- 
pslation on the Free-Soil or Cnlifomia (juestion, without any 
ncce^itv. This is surprisinpr_ f„r we thought the South wis 
s^'eking and the North refusing legislation on the first subject, 
nnd rirr rrrsa on the other. And it removes much difficulty 
out of the w:iv of a settlement of both, for the South is willing 
to accommodate the North by Icijislation on the rendition ques- 
tion, ntid Northern state^-tiwn di^povd to settle the other diffi- 
culty, have only to axoid it, or let it ulone.nnd will not thereby 
pive such ofTi-nee to their eonstittients as if they ifave tip any 
thin? by le^i-slative enactments. 

And first coneerniiiij the rendition of futritive slaves. It al- 
most wems a>i if the wise men who framed our Tonstitution. 
foresaw the diificuliy in th«* f.iture on this subject, and mad«- 
express provi<iion for it. .Nothinij cati be more complete than 
this fundnmetital law is in its protection of the risjhts of slave- 
liold«-rs. It provides first, in the -Ith article, ^d section, that 
" No person held to service in one State, under the laws there- 
of, «*«<-npinj into another, shall, in conseijuence of any law or 
rrKulaiion thereof, he Hlscharged from such service or labor ; 
hut shall be delivered, upon «lnim of the party to whom such 
libor or s<t\ i<r may be clue" .'^econdlv. in article (ith, section 
2d.it wys: "this ('nnntittilion. nnA the laws of the Tnitcd 
Stairs whieh s|);il| be made in ptirsuance thereof sliall be thf 
aujtrriv.,- Imr i\f thr fnnti nnd the Jitdf^m in everv StJirc ••hnll b«- 
IxMind I '!ir ('onstitufion of anv State to 

the CO Thirdly, in article lih. section 



1st, il pro\ ides that, - full laitlt utui i-mlit shull l»c givni iu 
t-ach SUU- to the fjubl'ir ails, riH urd.s, uutl judicial piocecdiiigii 
of every other State. ' Fourthly, it ^^ays, arliile Ith. M.-ctiuii 
'2d. that " the citizens of each State shall be entitled to the pri- 
vik'cres and iiniiiuiiities of eitizeiis in tin* several State.s." And, 
tifthlv, it says, article 3d, section "Jd, that •'The judicial power 
shall extend to all cases, in law or a/uitij, arising under this 
Constitution, &.c." 

Under the first pro\ision, the owner of a fut;itive slave has » 
right to go, without nioles^tation, to the place where such slave 
is and demand him. Ami no State law can authorise any de- 
lay, or defeat his claim. 

I'nder the second, he can demand hini of the Judge or ma- 
f^istrale of the said place, or district, w ho is more bound to act 
promptly and faithfully, than if this provision was a part of the 
t'onstitutiou of his ow n State. 

Under the third, the ow ner has a right to ofler such proof of 
ownership as is required to establish his right of property in 
his ow n State. 

Under the fourth and (ifth, he can, at his option, if such 
Judge reluses or demurs to ac t, under any pretext whatever, or 
if the arresting ollicer or any individual commits any act by 
which he may lose his property or sutler any damage, direct or 
consequential, sue either of them, before the State Court or the 
United States Court, for the amount of the value of said slave 
or damages. 

Nothing can be clearer. Persons may dispute his claim and 
sue out writs of habeus corpus, (Sec, on the ground of some 
State law. but those who do it, and the Judge who grants it 
contrary to the Constitution of the United Slates, are equally 
responsible to him for the amount of all damage received ; for 
the Constitution provides lor peremptory, prompt action on all 
sides, and it is the supreme law of the land, and no State law 
can be used as a pretext to defeat or delay its operation in this 
case. Neither can any law of Congress be so used. And it 
may be rejnarkcd that there has been legislation by Congress, 
and it has been pronounced unfavorable to the slaveholder. If 
so it is null and void so far as it conflicts w ith the said constitu- 
tional provisions, and thereby aflecta the rights ol those they 
were intended to secure ; and it cannot, any more than any 
State law, screen any individualsfrom responsibility in this case. 
A fair and eq\iitablo construction of the Constitution gives also 
similar protection to per.sons carrying or sending their slaves 
into non-slaveholding States, temporarily, otherwise absurd 
results would loUow. 



1« 

K ' 'lire on t' "i \ irtjiiiiu, vvIkjh- liiriit 

!•. int' l'>niisNl\ ii<'l)v«^Niu Viruinhi 

uml )■ iMiii M'tid tluia iii(<» lliom* H<-ldA I" i 

111 !'• i; up his horsfs and «\>«ii. ni> ii< i_i - 

I «• iiil or mrry them to brtihc bu^k fttmys that h«\.' 
u . . .; uvfi th«* line. • 

V i«in, a southiTii imrciMnt huviiii; stoves, ur a thin o\rn«-i 
>> ■! .sf v«*vmI is ii!:i:;ui 1 ill w luili- or ill purl with them, mnsi 
«\-iM«i th« n<»n-«la\fl!i>l(iimj S.ntef*. notwithhtaiulinu flint tin- 
(V>nHi> 'ii* siipreiiKf l:>v of the iaml, Mibj«'els him only !•» 

•ueh i«4 iu« ( (in^'evs mav maUe lor the roculation <»f 

tratl«- a.:u i.i.' •.» ccm tin- Mat«»s : iiiul Conifre** h:'-' 

pitnoi) no (nu I • _r him <n enrrv hi** slavis u ith hhn 

l< itioti, the eonstit\iti(iiuil 

t> < , , ,1 ,^ i;;/rt, and not tho<e 

liu iti>ii->l.t\. iiiilduiu Mu(e>. And he.'iidi'S, toiiriMs,' 
(i ■ riiosi moJt-stid, ar.' not merehants or men of business. 

Alllhis is mere «juilt!>iin_', and cpiihble lor qiiihhle is fuir phn 
and (toil s;i\i' the riiihi. /.//(/ is juore {'ornprtliensivo than ik 
and iiielud«*ii it. It i» the greater includinjr the Kss, the whol- 
ill, :u('i, t -A p:«r1. It means more tiiun in, but it also mcanB in 
ill.- « hole ground. Ht-sides, the word serrice, a* di- 
- -• Ki Irom labor and t''---i--r^rff, appi-ars to refer to su< li 
And as to touri' .• inerchantH, for thov Efo to 

' or barler iiimii.-\ , iudlion, bill* of exehanjje, er 

I b»>ard. lod<rini:, iniin-ral waters, ronvevane<- 
i. >ve.: and to siirhextem thev are merchants. Ami 
• \u'itiii men of himiuefs, should they t;o in pursuit of 
h .i';.i— ..hs'.l more ini|)ortant pursuit thvn that? — and hhoutd 
sueh fniirist. an invnlid, luive a s«'rvant w ho^' ser% ice« pre 
Iroiii jonij traimi ■ ,d to biseomlort. ]ierhaps to his re< n^ .• 

rv rr.:vhfnti 'cijiu' And should tluv not he invain:- 

'- :ind one d«'sei\ in>i the |)rot»-r(ion 

'^1 to |n<ik at the brflutil'ul norlheni 

part oi tlKMr />nintrv.«nd dissipate, bv persoUBl interroiirM-. the 
imlimiKl i.iriMdiees ot the Nort!i and >'i)Uth. Perehanre, and 
ft«'t ui iir aoittherii tourist iiiav l>e a baehelor. jjoinu f<>' 

''"• '■ - : winninu pome northern Tiir, such as one tif thov 

I wcused to He.' promnindintr in Hroadwav and otlw 

p... -. li I. II nmtb — in other words, in search of a wife. W In' 
more impori:iiit businew tiian thid. or mon? iiisential lii happi- 
nrm ' And il the ser\ ires of u well-truined l)tMlv->ervant «ir 
ralfi tte important to his be«t jwrsonnl nppearanoe. and cl courM* 
*" ' iiiv abolitionist, unless n jenlous rival 

^* roiit>-ni| (hut till- ConMitutioii or hi\%s 



17 

of the I'liitt'd States, aiitliorisc or I'ntrno to authorise any in- 
terference with liiin in sueh u pursuit ? The \erv |>reiinih|e of 
the Constitution itself, wouhl alont-hi- iiinplv snlheiint to (h-feut 
sueh an ahsurd pretenee. The truth is, the Constitution and 
hiws of the Cnitcil States, if fairly eonstrued, j^uaranty to 
every citizen the eonirnon risi'ht to i(o as travellers, us well as 
men of business, unmolested in person or property of every 
<lescription, to every part of the country, while they do nothint; 
to injure the people or disturb the peace of places where they 
are. The abolition laws of certain States are only ititended to 
prohibit slavery to their own citizens. Beyond this they have no 
operation. And if they are perverted to sanction any of those 
crusadini; attempts sometimes made a2;ainst friendless southern 
travellers, they are bevond their lefjitiniate s])here of action, are 
unconstitutional, null and void, and the aict^ressors are clearly 
lial)!e for all damay;es sustained. A slavehoUler is oidy subjected 
to such laws where he attempts permanent residence, and there- 
bv becomes a citizen of the State where they exist. 

Further le-jjislation is tlierefore not necessary to the slave- 
holder on this point, but it is desiralile to the non-slaveholder. 
Certain persons are made constitutionally responsible for the 
execution of certain constitutional provisions, but it requires an 
ariiument to show this, j)erluipsa suit to sustain it. Fundamen- 
tal laws, although supreme, have seldom the minuteness of the 
ordinary statute law. It is due to the citizen that all laws or 
rules of action prescribiuii; what is right, and prohibitine; what 
is wrong, should be clear and beyond the possibility of dispute. 
And the past legislation orCongressha.s tended still more to mistify 
the subject. This want of minuteness in the fundamental law and 
the ambiguity produced by past lesjislation, n^ay produce dilh- 
culties, excite sedition, tScc, by which the jn-ace of the North 
may be disturbed. It seems then desirable to the North that a 
plain, intelligible svstem should be provided by enactment, in 
strict accordance with the Constitution, by which this thing 
may be conducted. The slaveholdor, also, does not desire 
litigation, dispute, or trouble, and would willingly accede to any 
plan which did not compromise his constitutional rights. 

We will now proceed to consider the Free-Soil (piestion 
itself, and endeavor to show, as has been prcjmised. that it also 
is already settled in a statesmanlike maimer, ou sound princi- 
ples, and that no further legislation is necessary to settle it on 
such principles and in such manner as ought to be satisfactory 
to both the North and the South. To do this it is necessary 
lirst to eu(|uire why slavery has been abolished at the North, 
and why it has not been at the South ' It may be answered 
3 



18 

al iiiKc. (liaC it was ubulisluvl at tin- Noitli. partlv iVoin tli^ 
(lis|Mxitioii ilfcitlrtllv iiiaiiilisti'd l»v tlu' Aiiu'riraii pfopU* to ili>- 
pcMist* with kIuvu liiboi. w heiH-vcr it i-ould pos..«.ihlv hi' doiii-, on 
arrotiiit of a natural pn-ftTciici' for five lal)or wlu-ncvrr it was 
uv.iiluble. Ti) prove tins, we may eito tlie fact that slavery 
never pem-trnteci the North to any extent when it was permit- 
lf<\ there. Neither does it now exist to any extent in the 
healthv, upper country of the Soutli. And partly also it has 
been abolished Ironi a peculiar sentiment, or prt-judiee against 
the institution, engendered bv our revolution. In exeinj)liliea- 
tion of this bust, I will relate soniethin;f told me bv an old fien- 
tiemai). fond of reeallin^jj reniiniMPUces of by-};one davs. He 
said, that in [Maryland, before the Revolution, it wits the custom 
to have alwavs by the tire-side, in uint«'r time, a lari;e tankard 
or muij, in rich iiouses of plate, in poorer, of quecnsware, 
haviuG^ on it tlu? initials of the reisjninej Kintr, and called by 
liis name. These muijs were kept fdled with nuilled wine, 
mulled cider, or apple punch, to be ejiven warm to anv visitor 
or visitors coming in out of the cold. At the period of the 
Revolution these vessels were all stamped with G. R., for George 
Rex, and that was their name ; and they were great favorites, 
as they desi'rved to be, with all the citizens of that ancient and 
celebrated State. 

Rut i[i politics Ttamcs are things. And when the war broke 
out, these unfortunate mugs became suddenly as unpopular jis 
their royal namesaki-. They were almost all hid away or 
broke. Hut sometimes some inconsiderate, thoughtless person 
woidd continui* the ancient custom, in which case a scene 
would ensue which anv one can sec bv looking at the coat of 
arras of the State of \ irgiriia. In such a case, tjie hospitable 
host woidd advance as usual to welcome his guest, but no 
sooner did one of them catch sight of the(»eorge liex steaming 
on till' iiearth. than pushing by the projl'crcd hand, and stalk- 
ing indi^Miaiitlv up to the lire, lie sj)urned ov«'r the nuig and 
all it^ exhilarating contents, vociforating, if not the \ irginia 
motto, Sir Siinjifr Tyraums, at anv rate something very similar 
in plain Knglish. Nor did his uiducky host dare to resentsuch 
behavior, for such was the feeling of the dav, that he was fain 
to pucily the olli-ndcd partv. and considere<l liimself fortunate to 
esoape an indictment for being a tory. A jirejudicc similar to 
this against the (icorge Rex, arose as su(l<lcnly in the .North 
againnt the institution of slaverv, and «loubtless for the same 
rfajMtii. because it was iib-ntitied in the miiuls of the people 
with the (iovernment that ha«l always proinoti'd if. And there 
bcinjj no immpj-rablc oi even considViablc dilliculfy in the way, 



1!) 

abuiitiou took, placr. At (lie ^allu• (iijir .i ^illlil.lI Itiliiii; cxihttd 
ill some tlfi;rcr at the Sixitli also. But tin- Smitlu'iii people, on 
eonsideiatioii, with the usual ;;(io(i sense ol' the American peo- 
ple, came to the eonehisioii tiiat eiiTUmstaiices alter cases, and 
as theirs were every way dillereiit tVom those ol their Northern 
brethren, common sense retjuiri-d thev should pursue a diller- 
ent course. The North possessed saluhritv of climate, and few 
slaves. 'J'he south >vas generally insalubrious, and liad a lart^e 
colored pi)j)ulation. 

At the North, white men can, at all times, conduct agricul- 
tural operations, and abolition would not cause any inconveni- 
euce to the farmer. Neitlier w ould it i)n)duce any inconve- 
nient number ol" that useless, troublesome cla.ss, the tree negro. 
At the South, the best land, indeed the only good land in 
most districts then settled, were on the borders of streams or 
swamps, where the heat, humidity, and fertility of the soil com- 
bined to produce an atjuosphere very deleterious to the consti- 
tutions of the \\hites ; ro(juiring the utmost care sometimes to 
preserve health, by avoicling exposure to the sun, the night 
air, &-C., which laboring men cannot do. 

Such could oidy be tilled advantageously by blacks, whose 
constitutions are known to suit such locations; and as free ne- 
groes will not cultivate or do, in l\ict, any other work, if they 
can help it, abolition would have destroyed Southern agricul- 
ture in a great measure. ^Moreover, from their excessive num- 
bers, free negroes would have been as troublesome as the frogs of 
Egypt, and from their well-known peculiaritv, exemplitied 
now and then at the North, of not only not supporting the ex- 
ecution of the laws as the whites do, but of resi-sting their exe- 
cution on one of their own color, rendering it impossible to 
make of them republican citizens, seditions of a serious char- 
acter would be likely to ari.se in some places if the slaves were 
released from their habits of subjection to their masters. 

For all these reasons the South acted w iselv to avoid aboli- 
tion, and the tendency that way has been arrested. I may 
here observe, in confirmation of their conclusion, that modern 
Italy presents a striking proof of the necessity w Inch some 
countries have for slave labor, to render them sukscrvient to the 
use of man. The district now called the .Marenuna was once, 
when slave labor existed there, in the time of the Romans, a 
well cultivated, healthy and populous district, containing manv 
large cities, Rosella, Saturnia, I'opulonia, and others. It is now 
almost uninhabited and uninhabitable; its surface, undrained 
by the modern Italian, starving and miserable a.s he is, as our 
own free negro, has become an immense morass, emitting a 



'20 

balrlul nialiriu which tendft>. it a ju-stjlfniial uuisaure to thi' 
^urruutlliiu(i rKautric>. 

SiH h is a hi iff stutoineiil of thf state of lh«' sluve question, 
hoth |)u.st ami presfiit, uiid su« lj it is likely, fronj the same iin- 
imituhle causev:, ever to ••ontinu*-. The American statesman 
should, therefore, act for eircumstAnct-s a.s they are, and not h\ 
anv useless, vuin cHort^. Nvhi«h can have nunf hut a mischiev- 
ous eftect, disturb a state of thinijs established by the ^ood 
8i>nse of our ancestors. 

From all this we may gather that statesmen of the preseiil 
day, <iisj>oscd to settle the Free-.Soil question on sound princi- 
ph-», have to consider the follow in^ thincs in niukinij re'^ula- 
tions ciin«-erninii the unsettled territory. 

One is to exclude slaverv Irom such Inculitics and latitudes 
where, from tiie naturi- of the soil, climate, and the disposition 
of the American people, they know it must be abolished. 
This measure, apparentlv harsh to the slaveholder, is leally 
beneficial, as it prevents him from losiii'^ his property. 

The other is, to permit it where it can exist, and is necessary 
to the culti\alion of the soil and the full development of the 
uf(ricultural wealth of the country. 

And, to examine the course of the Government, we find it 
has acted on this principle. It has been excluded from the 
Northwest Territorv at tin- instance of the South itself, because 
in that, from its northern latitude, it could not have kept its 
Uround. It has bivn likew ise excluded, for the same rea.s(m, 
from the < tuinlry north of latitude SU , beyond the .Mississippi, 
but permitted south of that latitude, because necessary there, 
and < apable of beini; maintained. 

It ha.s been exclud«'<l from <)n'2;on ; but as nothing has been 
h'i;islut«-d on the subject rei;ardinp California, it now stands 
|M-rmitt<-d there ; for slaveholders can go like other citizens, 
when mil forbidden, to anv part of our territory, if they please, 
«in con>.iderati«ui, t») run tin- risk. And as this la>t ("aliiorniun 
dillit iilty constitutes the Free-Soil ipiestion of the present tinu*, 
and thus lies at present in a position agreeable to tho>^' sound 
piiiK'iples on which the (lovemment has nil along acted, ninl 
whith M-ein to have satisfied all parties. 1 think it will !>■• 
st-fu that the whole Free-.Soil (|ueslion is, as I have asserted, 
already settled in a statt'snuiidikc manner, on somid principh-^. 
Hut il has been ,said that part of California lies north of tli' 
Ulith n«»rth latitude, and therefore some interference is requireil 
to make the «;isf coincide with tin- principles of sound policy. 
But. nevertheh'wi, such is not tin- ease. 

It hits bten show n that the necessity for slavery south of lati--! 



91 

tudf 36", and west of the Rocky Mounliiins, results from natu- 
ral causes, the jjieut heat of thi- clinuite, &.c. Now, it is a 
fact, that on the western coast of this continent tl\e climate is 
warnur fuitlier north l)V as many ili'^^rees as six at least, than 
on the eastern side. The A'M" in California is as sultry, (juite, 
as the Stith deijree in Missouri. The same {Wius, occurs on the 
old continent. Th.e north of China is colder than the corres- 
|)ondiiiu, latitudes of Europe. And even on the coa.st of islands 
no lari^er than Creat Britain it is the same thinn;. 

For this there is a natural and immutahle cause, well Uunwu 
to naturalists. In the north temperate zone the northwest is 
the prevailing wind, produced by the heat of the .sun travers- 
ing the face of the earth from east to west. The dense air 
comes generally from the northwest to meet it, and always al- 
fects the climate to make it colder or Avanner according to cir- 
cumstances. If it passes over the cold summits of mountains 
like the Cordilleras or Rocky Mountains, it makes it colder 
east of them. Rut if it comes from the ocean, as on the coast 
of California, it brings humidity and warmth. So that, to leave 
the Californian question as it is, would not be any violation of 
those principles of sound policy on which the Government has 
all along acted, but would be, on the contrary, in strict accor- 
dance with them. 

The abolitionist will hence perceive that the wind is against 
him in any attempt he may make to introduce abolition into 
California^ and so Ave believe would be the tide of public 
opinion. 

He will also perceive that the same gales that woidd infalli- 
bly blow abolition out of any part of California, have also, on 
the other hand, expelled sla^-ery from all the country north of 
the 3tith degree, and west of the Rocky IMountains. He will, 
therefore, 1 hope and believe, rest content, and not complain of 
a dispensation of Providence on the whole most favorable to 
him. 

But should he do otherwise : should he attempt and prevail 
to persuade the statesmen of the North to use their numerical 
preponderance in the National Legislature to violate the prin- 
ciple on which the Government has all along acted ; to disre- 
gard the prompting of national feeling, and in place thereof in- 
stitute the provincial ; to do an act calculated justly to ofl'end 
the slaveholder, for he will see that his Government has gone 
out of its Avay to exclude him, without cause, from participa- 
tion in the advantages of emigration — let him be assured of one 
thing, that the South will not gratify him, if that is \yhat he 
wants, so far as to divide the Union on so paltry a question — on 



Ml |j3iti V a K iituant of a OHIO ijrt'al ijiicNimii. 1 lie >iiuilK'rn 
|K-u|>lr u ill ii(-\cr ilividf the- L'liiun. nur sullf r it to be liivideii, 
«.s \vu^ U.H thr) iiuxf tilU-s uii(t huurdi* tu ddrnd it. 

No, the Sdiith will |Kin><ic u iiiort- manly, a more patriotic- 
roufM-. Tlu- South %N ill bidi- its time. It will wait putieiitiv 
until better tVcliuK uri!^.-s at the North. Until diie tanuticisni 
liOA Nul>sided. It knows that neither the peopk' of Oret(un ur 
Culifurnia will U; lonn eontent to send, ut great ••xpense. around 
or aeruv* the continent, for the t<ibae<-o, th«* cotton, the !>U({ur of 
tiie South, when, if slavery was allowed in (\ilifornia, they 
mit(ht hii\e it so much eheuper ut home. It knowh and be- 
liever that the tin»t act of sovereignty of (.'ulifornia would be 
lo ri>;ht this (piestion, if it should be thus put wroni;. .\nd 
thuii believiuj; it, will in the meantime, rest content with the 
commercial ailvaiitaijes derived frouj a valuable market for its 
productions, howe\er unnaturally produced, on the western 
eoa.st of this coutiiu-iit. 

Before leavini; this subject, it is neressiiry, to complete the 
arnmnent, to ad\ ert to a diirK iilty w Inch seems tu be sujiposod 
to exist, and to require lej^islation. 

It seems to be sujiposed, that in consequence of the transfer 
of New Mexico and California to us, the old governments that 
were pr«'vious!y established in those <ountries have ceased to 
be, and thcr»'fore, immeiliate action by Congress is re(juircd to 
supply their j)laee. Such is not the case. Jiy the laws of na- 
tioiLs, there can be no interregnum in such cases. The same go- 
vernment that existed and to w hicli the inhabitants were entitled, 
while a part of the country making the cession, would continue 
in force, until superst-ded by legislation of the new govern- 
ment receiving such cession, so far as is necessiiry lo the jiroper 
govcrumint of the said inhabitiinLs ; and so fur as the constitu- 
tion or laws of said pre-existing government do not eonllict 
with the existing laws, constitution, and rights of the receiviii;; 
c«nintry, or any of its citi/ens. Ih-iici- in California and .New 
Me\ii-o the hirislature, if any existed previoiislv, would con- 
tinue to be appointeil or ele<-ted in tin- .same nianner as before, 
nnh-Ks Congiess should direct otherwise. 'J'lu- same laws also 
would n main in force with tin- aforesaid tjualitication. Also, 
public olhcci>., governors, judges, and magistrates, wouhl be 
«p|Miint«-d in ihesiune or ;i similar maimer. If lluy hail been 
previously app.tinled by tin- executive of Mexico, their ap- 
Itoiiitnienl would be inve.sted, ofcoujse, in the executive of tin- 
l*i»it«d St«teo. The circumstiiiioi- of those provinces being 
III M coiKjuered state d«M'» not uller the cu.se. The trcHtv. by 
■rknowMging iho riches of Mrxieo, abolishes the milit«ry 



'2:5 

f^ovt'iiuucjU, and ackiiowltrilofs ami restores tlu' ri^lils of iKc 
iiiliahitaiits ; and they return to tliPiii so far as they do not 
• oullict with the Constitution and laws of the llnited States. 
I havi' never se»'n it asserted that they eonllioted with any 
laws of this country, hut it lias heen said, that they do eonflict 
on one point with the Constitution; that the President hits 
no power to appoint tlieir ofiiei'is by our Constitution, and, 
th«'ret'ore, they must remain destitute of any executive, uidess 
Congress should interfere and autiiorise sucli appointment. 
This opinion is also, it appears to me, unfounded. The Con- 
stitution, article '2d, section '2d, empowers the President to 
appoint all oflicers whose appointment is not otherwise provi- 
ded for, which shall he estahlished by law. It also makes, 
article b'th, all treat iis made or which shall be made under the 
authority of the Lhiited Stati's, the supreme Imo of the land, 
equally with the common statute law. And it has been shown, 
that the treaty of peace with Mexico, by the laws of nations, 
involved and authorised the appointment of the odicers of New 
Mexico and California, in the same or a similar manner as be- 
fore. Then, that treaty, bcins; the law of the land, does vest the 
appointment of such oihcers in the President, until otherwise 
provided by Cono;ress. 

Apjain, it has been doubted whetlier tlie laws of those pro- 
vinces authorise the immisi;ratio!i of slaveholders to them, with 
their slaves. In answer to this it may be repeated, those pre- 
existing; laws oidy have force where they do not conflict with 
the constitutional, lecral, and other rights of the American Go- 
vernment and people. They come in as territories, and no 
territory has any rii^ht to exclude any citizen of the United 
States, on penalty of confiscation, or rather deprivation of pro- 
perty, without compensation : such property bcin^ recognised 
by the Constitution itself. It is donbtful even if such territo- 
rial law should be confirmed by act of Con2;ress, — it is doubt- 
tul if any act of Congress itself would not be constitutionally 
nidi and void in such a case. To say to any American citizen 
you shall not go to such parts of the national territory, on 
penalty of deprivation of property, is a very harsh, a very high- 
handed proceeding, only to be justified by necessity to pro- 
mote the good and ultimately preserve the property of the 
citizen himself, as has been herein explained before. 

Hut such an act is, after all, of doubtful constitutionality. The 
article authorising regulations for the public territory, and to 
pto\ ide for the general welfare, may possibly, by strained con- 
struction, authorise it, but after all. it is exceedingly doubtful if it 
does not require the action of the sovereign power, in conven- 
tion, to legalise such an act. 



It U Uiu- lliat l'oii|{r«-sN, actiiin iiiidtr the coiivtitutiotial uutliuri- 
l\ to rrciivr UfW Sluti>, hd* trf<|Ui'Ull\ inailt- it a (uuditioii of 
ikurii rt-ri-ution, to uiltipt ul)ulitiuii. Hut it is tib\ ions thut tin* 
viili«litv ol such abolitiou ijroffcds Iroin tin- ucl ul the jK'opIc 
ol till- lu-w State, in their convention. It is doubtful, exceediui;- 
Iv, if anv \a\\ of C'ouijre.v., or of any St;iU' lenisbture, to this 
ell'ect, is not null and void unless wuthorLsed. No lejiislation 
wenLs then nccf&sttry on this account, and therefore, the whole 
subjcjt of the Free-Soil, or rather free-ne^ro soil question, inu\ 
be |>ron«>uiued to be, as has been said before, already settled 
satisfactorily in every particular. 

We will now proceed to exanune whether there are any 
feelings or prejudices at the North or South, either existiim 
prex iously or engendered by the subject, strcui^; eiK>uijh to ob- 
struct a settlement »)f this (juestion in a statt*sinaidike manner, 
«>r rather, as such settlement has been shown to have been mad< 
alreadv, to disturb it. Such sectional prejudices in a countr\ 
are verv potent for e\ il, and similar, though not so mali;jnant, 
a-s those between nations ; ami, to see the mischiel produced by 
fcuch prejudices, we nmst look at their operation in this case, 
where there is nothing; to obstruct their sway. 

hook at till' \ou\i, and bloody wars between Kn^land and 
Trance, tw o nations separated by a narrow channel very little 
wider than the Chesapeake bay. What misery must have been 
produced in the many hundred years during; w Inch they have 
swayed the councils of both countries. 

Hut even in the same country in J'urope, we see in every 
province dis>imilarities in the lannua<^e, manners, and appear- 
ance of the people so remarkable that they must infallibly pro- 
duce sectional prejudices such ils would render a Clovernnient 
like ours, founded on public opinion, impracticable, if they 
were not all subservient to some central influence, as that of 
their metropolis. Hut how dilVerent is it in our country ; 
thou^hout its Viust evteiii how strikin^^ly homoueneoiLs is its 
population ' it is tru«-, 1 have seen p»-rsons who have said they 
onl\ want lt» (-atch a Klimpse of any of our peojile to t«'ll ex- 
a»lly w hat State he is of. Hut I n«\er myself coidil boast of 
mich discernment, although lixin-^ all my life where persons 
can la- wen from every .section of the I'nion. To nie they 
M-eni as much alike, almost, as the coina>{e o\ our mint, partak- 
lUK f^enerull) . in a mo.st remarkable denree, ol the same charac- 
U-ri»tic4i. 

Tl»r hlrikini4 nintilarily of our people, loijether with the fre- 
cfuem V of couimunicution lK-twe«ii them, protliwes, of course, 
a freedom from M-clional prejudice that is reumrkuble, and not ^ 



'25 

only romovos many clirtlcultios from tlu' |.iitli of tin- statrsinaii 
ill lliL' si'ttletni-nt of (loiiustic (|iii'sti()iis ol policv, but, also, de- 
stroys all llios*' r('iitrilni;iil tiiuUiicii's w liicli iiii<;ht lead e\entu- 
allv to a dissolution ol'tlit" I iiion. 

A \ I'ly distiiiiiuislu'd stati'snian of our country from lh«' North, 
in a late speech, alluilini; with satisfaction to tlic frcj-doni of the 
North from sectional views, applied happily the <pjotation — 

Wheiv is the Norlli? at York, 'lis on the Tweed ; 

111 Seotlaiiii, at the Oreudes; and tlierc 

At Nuvu Zciiibia, or Uic Lord knows where. 

With eijual truth, may the South be pronounced iii\ isihlf 
;iiul hard to find,' if souirht for the purpose of discovering 
sectional or disunion sentiments. In all (juestions of ditlicidtv, 
such as the Free-Soil or rendition cpicstion, the jiopnlar si-nti- 
ment and the popular lunu;ua;ie are, if we cannot settU' it now, 
wewill wait till we can settle it: if we cannot settle it the ri2;ht 
way, we will settle it the wroui;; way, and trust to Providence 
to brine; thinp;s rioht at last. And I will put it to all, if such a 
disposition does not now arid has not always prevailed in such 
eases. It is as rare for an American to think of disunion as a 
remedy lor political evils, as it is for him to contem|)late suicide, 
to cure the ills of life. In ilhislration of this, 1 will relate 
somethina; aprojws, that occurcd sometime acjo. There was 
once a time which he " whose head is now old and some deal 
grey," will remember well enough, when our down-east breth- 
ren had not brought their manufactures to the perfection which 
they at present possess. The manufacturers of those days had 
just commenced a new thing, and could not be expected to 
exhibit all the skill of their successors of the present times, 
when they have the benefit of long experience. Hence those 
first attempts possessed, (if all is true that has been said of 
them.) more proof of ingenuity than of adaptation to the 
purposes for which they were apparently designed. This wa.s 
said to have occasioned much incouA enience and vexation to 
their Southern customers. For instance, it was said a Southerner 
woidd sonu'times buy a handsome bureau of a pedlar. It was 
perfect, externally, and tlic purchase, at a low price, ofl'ered 
much self-congratidation to the fortunate owner. Hut on trial 
it proved most mysteriously hard to open. The key wa.s 
turned repeatedly ; the handles were almost pulled off. Noth- 
ing would do. The bureau continued more obstinate than any 
oyster that ever vexed a gourmand. At length, in despair, a 
back board was ripped oft", when behold, it appean'd at once, 
there wasa very good reason why it did not open, and it w.as dis- 
covered that the maker was something of a wag. Again, manv 
4 



a Soutlirttt MMitt&itiati. it uai»aid who stuneii at a t(iiLt'\ oi lat 
buiL wuulii liiitl that hi» trtiAty rilU, )ki\m-\lt \m'II ptiuicd, 
Uduld liul iiiaLe titt-. Aiul uii piikiiig tli<- (-upit.il tliiit, lx)U^ht 
tin- Kthrr iliiv of a |M(llar, In- iIimommciI th;il tlit- inumilmturfr 
MUM ^rt-at a pliiliiiitlirupiNt its Ml. tiarrl^ull iiimM.-lt, and 
iicvt-r de!>i|2ii<-d Lit lliiitA tu cause- duiuaui* to any man or any 
rrt-atun*. His wiff uIm», who had prfparcd a di-tiM-it, wouUI 
tiiid that the custard ur the pudding had more the flavor of 
pint- wiMxl than uny thinit hrouulit from thu Indim. notuilh- 
>tai»diiiy shf hud spired it lihrrally with one of those beautilul 
iiiitine^'i, iMJii^ht of the same man. 

Siieh were some of the stories then afloat at th»' South, and 
Southern men were more disp«»M-d to he indignant tlun than 
now, when ealh'd upon to eneourajje Nortliern industry. 

On the other hand, the Nortli had similar stories u>;ainst thi 
South, and thouiiht it e«iuallv \\n.n\ to he r«<|uired to patroni/e 
the aiirieultural productions ol the South. It aeeused the South 
and Southwest, ainonii other tlnims, of raising or eurini: hams •'' 
a vtrv eurii'Us deM-ription. Doleful stories w«re told, tliat 
many u Noitliiin ladv talvinn her K-at at table, w ith her friends 
well plea.Md that she wasahoulto treat them to an ehuanl 
\ ii(;iiiia ham, when alas! the said hum W8.s found impeiietrahh- 
eveli to the keen etl^e of Ko^ers' best steel, in lact liothilii; 
hut a saw rould possihiv open it, inu.smueh u.s it was made ol 
the identical material that huA furnished a celebrated auubr'ufutl 
\o a celebrated l*re«>ident of the I'liited States. 

They have, h«»vvever. come to a Intti-r unOiTstandinj; since 
thoM- days «)f mutual banter, »n«l now all conliss they net tin 
worth of their mone> . liut more wa.ssaid then aluiut disuni»>n 
than now . \nd 1 remember bein^ in a v« ry plea-sant party ol 
Ueiitlemen at dinner, when, with wine, the subject of |H>liti< - 
WHS broached as usual. 'I'liere was |)re.s4nt a younij lawyer 
and he, whither he wjls destitute of the patriotism whi<h <lis- 
tiiiKuishes his profeM^ions, or whether ino\edby the Ui\e i>l 
talk, or whether the .Maihini did not suit his constitution, foi 
some re.iMin or «»ther. proh-ssi-d disunion sentiments, and Ix'^an 
to eipatiati on the benefiLs that w»)uld result to the S«iuth Imm 
i» diMsolution of the I'nioii. There w iis prewnt also a uhllant 
< llircr of the Nn^\. friun the Ijistcrn Shore of Maryland, wb 
.tiiticipateil tlif re*t, and iminedi.itely lui;j;ed out in «lelence < ' 
the star-spnn;;led banner. The coiillict w as not so unei|iial as miclit 
(N»up|HiMd. The law \« r talked nmarkably well, but the saibu 
wa* full of nautiril rradinevs and humor. Tlie lawyer nlwund- 
e<l ill aruunient and sarcasm , but thi- sailor had e\er ready some 
o<ld reji|\ thai foiled him, and raised the l.tu^h at his rspen»< 



27 

Ihe scene was lirlj. At length, the lauy. i, hatllitl Ijut hull 
iiu-liiu-il tu j«)iii ill thi- iiiorriineiit, i.ii(h'(l w ith : I'll ti-|| yuii what, 
voii may sav >\ hat you pK-ase ahout tin- hnn fits ol tin- I'uioii, 
Imt sdiin- of thoM- Ninthcriirrs ari' MTV had jifdplf. Not loiii; 
,im) a Vaiik»"«' |)t«ilar <ain<' to th«- ho»i>.c of a iiciyhhor of' iniin" 
v\ lit'ii hi- was away Iroiii honic, and chtated his wife, hy si-ll- 
iim Irt u oodi'ii ciuuinher sc'cd. At least, thtv lU'Ncr canu- up. 
Now, suppose he had served you so, ^^ hat would you ha\e 
done' Done, said Jaek, with a cinnie earnestness that is in- 
deseiibahle, what woidil I hav«' doiu- ' I (I have ijone io his 
iiousc when fu- was away from home, and cheated his wile, 
iiut I would not di.<.<olvi' the I'liion. This ended tlic eontro- 
versv, for all present, the lawyer in* hided, were eonstraincd to 
join in the roar ol' lautjhler that lollowt-d this sally. 

But tilt' best way to prove tlw i^ood feeliiifr of the two difl'er- 
ent sections of the ureat Hej)uhlic towards «'ae]i other and to- 
wards the Union, and tlieir disposition to aeroniniodate dif- 
t'erences, would he to ndate wliat eacli has heretofore done, 
reliiKjuished, and sutl'ered for tlijir common country. Indeed, 
tlie people of both part.s have t^iven j)roof of attachment to each 
other, and to their whole country, which will remain Um^ un- 
forfjotten. Of these proofs the South lias c;iven as many as the 
.\<uth, of the active kind, and more of those which are passive, 
lor this reason only, that peculiar circumstances have made it 
necessary for the South to endure more, having; been more ex- 
p(7sed to molestation than the North. As it is one purpose of 
this address to adduce instances from the past conduct of both 
sections, to show the dilliculty. or rathiT iiiipf)s>iibilitv, of dis- 
solviuii the Union, and at the same time to lacilitate the settle- 
ment of all disjMited questions in tjeneral, and those pendin^r in 
particular. I will endeavor to recount them, and will commence 
with the South. 

In the first place the .South has jTJven active proofs of attach- 
ment to the North by marcbinij to its defence ajjainst invasion. 
Duringthe warof theRevohition a reijiment from Maryland saved 
the honor of the day and the reputation of our arms, in the battle 
foucht on Lons; Island in defen* e of New York. In the open 
field it defeated several veteran liritish refiiments, in turn, cut- 
linn to pieces the Welsh Fusiliers. Nor did it retire until the 
gerK'ral retreat of our army enabled the enemv, by an attack in 
front, rear, and one Hank, to force it ofl'tlu- field, with the loss 
of two-thirds of its number. .Snd, afterwards, the .Southern 
horse, drawn from \ iVfjinia and IMarvland, whose exploits have 
given Cooper a foundation for one of his truly national stories, 
and the Southern rifles, rendered eminent services. .\lso. the 



28 

lA-Uuuii', V ii:;inia, and .Maiyl.iiiil Liiitx rciidiinl i;uuil .stivin 
ill oven biillU- ul llii- North, iiiilil tln-y wcrf ordi-ied SduIIi {<• 
assist the nalliiiil tro«»]w of tin* (aroliuus iiud (Icornia to riic«k 
th<* progress of thi- Hrilish army in lluit (|uarter. 

And iu-\t (hiriiit; tlic hist war, thousands marched from th« 
South and South-west to defLMid the Northern frontier a-^uinsi 
lh«' Hiilish an<l thi'ir Indiuti allies. Sueh are the aetivi- prool- 
furnished hv the South. We will now recount what s;:(rilie»- 
it has made — wlr.it ineoiiveiiienees, vexations, and ^rievaner 
it has tnduiid, does now, and. we believe, ever will endurr 
unless sudieient ijood ftelin;^ should arise at the North to di 
away the ne(e.s.sity. 

Tin* lirsl saeriliie of the South on the altar of patriotism 
was one for whieh tlie North does not ;^ive her any credit 
nevertheless, rellectiou will s;itisfy that it was of considera 
hie rna<;nitu(]e. In ajiportioninu; tlie rej)resentation in the Na 
tiomd Lej;ishiture, the North re(|uired that there sliould he n< 
represi'fitation of a part of the Southern j)eople, eijual to two 
fifths of the slave population. The North demanded this oi 
the ground that slaves do not vote, and, therefore, there sliouh^ 
he no representation for them. If the voting population, oi 
num!)er of voters, was the basis of representation the eonclu 
sion would have been perfectly legitimate. Hut such is not th' 
ciLse. 'i'lie constituent body is left liable to vary in everv State 
and in none does it embrace the wlolf white populatitm. 

Women, and children, and youths under age do not vote ii 
aiiv State. In some, none but Ireeholders, and in manv it wa 
the case at that time. In the greater number a j)roj)erty <jualiti«;t 
tionofsouic kind was then recjuired. Hence would be the rrsul 
(hat |>o|)ul iti(Mi ought to have been the standard, because it is in- 
\ arial)le, and because it is the best index of wealth, and the stalti 
which each State has exposed to be legislated on. Neverthe 
less, all we want is to have representation so adjusted its t' 
secure good legislation, an<l the present apportionment is exten 
sjve enough for that. Tlurefore the .South acted wisely t' 
make such sacrifice. 

Next art- the vexations the .South lixs to encountir iVom tli' 
con<lu<'t of Northern abolitionists of the unscrupidous aggressi\ . 
churucter. Such persons have ever been troublesome to tin 
South, but of late their pn»ceedings have been such us t*» b- 
almost intolcruhle. Southern people cannot visit the Nortlien 
j>.ift of their own country without going in a wav to N\liicl 
llicy are unafcuitomed. Sometimes ill health, more than curi 
<Hii|y , make;* a \ isit to the North <lesir.ibli' or ncc«ssary. Ii 
thin r«s«-, the servircs of a slave to whom th<v aie accustomef' 



•29 

iin- iiHlis|Hn>al»li' : l)iil invalids cannot avail tliomsrlvts ol' tlicm 
willioiil subjtM-tin;; tlii'insi'lvts (<> harassing, vexations Irom aho- 
litionists of t'lis sort. Hvery thin:; tliat inli<)spital)i(.' inalii2;!iit\ 
and inijiMiuity can devise is done to distuib their peace. vSomc- 
(iiiies a most plain provision ol' the national Constitution, for 
tlie rendition of fus^itive slaves, has been rendered nugatory by 
the perseverinjs; cunninjj; of such persons, and thereby the in- 
\alid is deprived o'f the services of a valuable slave, trained up 
with care to perform services necessary to the comfort of the 
aijed and the sick. But abolitionists do not always, it seems, 
come oif with llyins>" colors in such causes. The last case I have 
hoard of was that of a yount;- lady, who leaving occasion to s;o 
to the North, took with her, as a servant, a youne; free negro 
girl. Arriviiifij at the destined place, a certain Nortbern city, 
she took rooms in a hoarding house. The next day a man, gcn- 
tetly dressed, (but surely no American,) abruptly entered her 
sitting room, and rudely demanded to know if she had not 
w ith tier a yoinio; colored huh/, whom she held as a slave. 

The lady replied that she Jiad with her a young colored girl, 
but that she was free and a hired servant. The man expressed 
his belief, notwitlistanding, that the girl was a slave, and said 
she must be delivered up. The lady referred him to the girl 
herself, who happened then to enter the room. The man ac- 
costed the girl, with respect, and asked if she was not held as 
a slave. The girl denied that she was. The man then said 
he was sure she was too much in fear of her mistress to contra- 
dict her, but that he would soon show her how many friends she 
had in that place, who would protect her. The lady begged 
he would use no violence, as the girl was certainly free. The 
abolitionist tlounced out to collect the usual mob. He soon 
marshalled in front of the house all his odoriferous forces, 
•'black spirits and white, blue spirits and grey." The girl 
was about to be seized under a writ of habeas corpus, to be 
carried to a place of securitv, all the time protesting she was 
free, when news of the afhiir reached the ears of some of those 
noble sons of the North, those true gentlemen, who are ever 
as ready to rescue helpless Southern travellers, men or women, 
from the violence of abolitionists of this stamp, as they are to 
lead the gallant volunteers of the North to the defence of the 
South, and they interfered, and soon put a stop to proceedings 
equally unmanly, inhospitable, and ridiculous. 

But these are not all the vexations which have harassed the 
South, and made its patriotic endurance to shine as gold tried 
in the furnace. 

The institution of the jury trial has been desecrated and per- 



30 

\ritiil l>\ |>ri jiiditt- iii '<iu li a iiiaiiii* r a> |ii*>(ly to I«M(' tin- roii- 
tidrnre ol Soullirtii jn-upK' mi tins milijrd. Instant «■: tin- raw 
wlirna Sonthfrn ninn. u|)|il\ in^ lor icntliliou ol h fiicitivi-slnxt' 
ut-ruriiiiiK t» law unci tlu- ( 'unntitutiuii, and Immiis; rcfiiMrd by u 
Niifthcm |ud;:f. roiitmrv to both, took away bin slave by fori-t-. 
Hf \va» indicted bv the urand jury of the niunty where the 
►lave was harbored, lor k.idn:i|)|iiiiu, allhouuh ol' jtiirh an of- 
fcnrv he luuld not |K»silil> hu\e beiii ((uilty, not e>en roMstruc- 
lively . if the iiiteiitinii luiistituteH theerinie. H«- is demanded ol 
the Ktecutixe of Ins own Stale, and ttiviii up a(-cu^din^ to the 
(\>nHtituliun ; and notliinii but u transfer of his ea.M- to a I'ni- 
ted Stati-N Court eoiild |iussilih have Nixed liini, and jireventecl 
his cnnvirtion of ■ rrinje fur tuLin^ posMssion ol his own pro- 
iHTty, when illei^allv withheld Ikhii him by a most daring vio- 
lation of tin- fonMittition — the supreme law of tin- lund. For. 
doubtb-vn. the eounty that < ould priMhn i- sin h a judjre and siuh 
a uranil jurv, eould alsti ha\e prodiuid a jM-tit jury of a siniilai 
^lanlp to consummate their woik. 

Hut more vet. 'I'he incendiary proreedinirs i»f aholilioniM> 
not content with prostrating all law . w ith oiitrai;iiii;rvery riyht ol 
Southern men in the \x ide lield of lln- .North, have invaded tin 
South itself, and rendered it necessary, by their miilty p«rvei 
aion of the post, to desecrate that institution also, althouifh heiti 
•acrrd bv every free (iovernment when consistent with the 
|jres<'rvaliun of tlu.' public weal. Hy means of incemliary pub- 
lications ihev wen- spr«•adin^ such disalleclion amonij theMavev 
atnl lrc«- nciir«M'« in some places at the .'"ioutli, xs not only to ar- 
rest all steps which Southern men wer«' takins: for the amelio- 
nitioii of tliiir condition but to make the present condititui ol 
both ar-tuiillv much wor*c than it e\er wiui before. K\ery on« 
arcjuainted \x ith Southern life «m plantations knows with what 
ea«.e thev I ill be managed by a person who understaiuls th< 
neyro rharai ter, provided no ilisallcction exists. Always, in 
»urh ca.M-s, I have known plantations to be the al>«»de of much 
hnppini^ to both the whites an<l sla\. s. A pleasing, oriental, 
patriarchal state exists, «rmint«tl by mutual nijanl. eonlidence, 
anil i»«mmI will, anil it constitutes the happiness of Southern life. 

Hut b-t a contrary spirit of insubordination arise amon^ the 
fclaves, w III ther from the i Ifort.s of al>olitionist<i, or any other 
raiiw, and what a change takes place, Kven Northern men 
must |M'r(-< i\e, that on larjte idantationH order and rei;ularil\ 
must (m- pn mtvi d, a* nei eis.>iarilv as on board a ship at »ea. and 
that -inv refractory l.ehayior inuM Im- at once put down. To 
spri n<i disani'ctioii iuiioii^ s|n\es. is to make them unhappv. to 
bfiii- them difecllv into eidlision with their masters, and to 



^ivo the liiltt-i uIm) uiilia|i|Mui» ami (lotiblc. it tak« .<> Iioin (In* 
slaves tlu- |)lr;Lsaiit liiotivcs ol lidclitv, ohcilieiicc, iinil thiil 
.illi'ctiuii to tlu-ir iimsttTs tor wliii-li in'^rors are renmrkable, 
\s lu II Wfll aflt'ctid, luid Mil)slitiitcs the unhappy inoti\i' of fear 
of puiiisiimeiit. It luakts liiiii not only uiiliappv , but perrhanre 
uiilaitlilul ami disposed to eM-ape away. In such cases, distrust 
is excited against those who remain, and for every one who 
escapes, two at least are sold away, who inii;lit, but fortius, have 
lived and died at home. 

liut not unlv has it been necessary to desecrate the post, but 
another institution, or rather lii^ht, of far more importance. 
The ri;;ht of j)etition. This, also, it has been found necessary 
to curtail in couse(|uence of certain abolitionists. And as this 
involves a t^rievance oi' far more importance to the North than 
any yet mentioned, I have reserved it for the hist of the list, 
with the intention to dilate upon it as I think its importance 
demands. 1 \vi>h to bt: understood. 'J'he infrin^jement of tht; 
post and of the ri<^ht of petition, were doubtless necessary 
measures. But of tliat necessity the South has reason to com- 
plain. 

It is true, tliat it h.xs been found necessary in self-defence to 
violate those institutions, owing to their perversion to purpos«*s 
of mischief by abolitionists of the mischievous sort. I am in- 
clined to think, however, that every gallant Southerner will con- 
sider the evil to which 1 allude of greater magnitude than any 
averted by this measure. It is has been said by a sage, " in 
measures of government good cannot be uni\ t-rsal, it can only 
be predominant." IJut in this case the evil predominates. An<l 
I feel sure, that every gallant Southerner believes an evil has 
been inllieted on the South calculated to make all Southern 
men paus«', and consider whether it is not heavier than that 
it was intended to avert, great as it is. 

It is this, that it is calculated jierhaps to brin^ Southern 
statesmen and Southern men into an ungracious position, and 
into disfavor with our pretty countrywomen, the fair ladies of 
the North. And when it is considered that the North mu.st 
furnish, nuraericallv, two-thirds of the ladies of the country ; 
and that they po.«sess equally with the daughters of the sunny 
South that tjift of heavenly beauty which lia.s gained for them 
all the reputation of the />rc^/ir.v/ xrometi in the world ; then this 
\ icw of the subject must be admitted to have been always of 
the greatest importance. 

'i"o be put to the ban by the fair of the North, is to be ban- 
ned and barred from the good graces of two-thirds of the beauty 
and female attractious of this irreat country ! Thi< circumstanr-*^ 



32 

wiHiM have iDx ulrril hI atl Uiiu-A u M-'vurc f{rie\ aiK-c tu tb«- Siuih. 
liut u hell \vc think vi the poi illiar iiiudv in which Amt-rirau 
U-autN \iiut choM'ii uflatf tu rrwuid Aiiicriraii t^Ji-uLs, p.itriutiMii. 
uuil \alur ; w iicii \\v rciiu-iiiLK-r that (iriit mi T:i\hir. at liis 
late iiTcpliuii ill OuiiHlii»uii\ tlit', J^ouisiatiu, w uh iiixitrd to Ilikn, 
and tiid kiNt, uil tiiL- bcuutv in tin* |>lttcc ; >\ lii-ii \\c ri'iiK'tiibi-r 
that Mr. C'lit) t!\|MTii'ii('rd u hiinilur (;oud lurtaiif in uiit- of tin- 
.Nurtl)<ru riti)**, (^IMiiiudrlpliia, 1 tliilll^J ut ica>t hu suid tlie 
|)apir> , uiul iiltiiuui^li ImiIIi ui tlii-M- c-tiiilii:lit |>atiiu|ji dout>tl(.-M 
dtfMfrvcd Micli rvwiud, yet, iievcrtiici(-t»K, it was itnpt><«>iblv to 
read i-itliL-r a<-i-uuut witlioul iei-liii^H of inti-iisc cii> y : \% hen ui- 
tliiiilk. ol ull ihcM; tliiiii;!<, if tiiL-\ du iiul caUM: us di'cpK to 
auatlii iiiutiM.* .Mr. liurriM)!!. the ]*liilaiitiiropi>t, who orit;inully 
iiivi'hteti or dis«:oVtr«Ml niudi-rii ubohlioii, uiul is IJuTflore le- 
>|HiD>ibiv for all its NuK<-i|(iciit inisdeods, ul icaM vt t* raiiiiut 
M-l'raiu U) t-Mluiiii in the words (•! th«* port — 

Swi-cl ii Uie- MJiijj iif ' 
'i'lic »iH«!v» of rliil'li' 

Uu( <<UCCt, <>l|! , i:.J be — 

to luar that Mr. (iarri- I thr Styx. to dis<iis» and 

M.'Ule w itli Uiutlioluiiiew uc 1.mu> C<u>us tin* pliilunthrop) ol 
abolition. 

This is a suhjol which w i- rt-ally cannot dixniiss without 
s<iu)c liirthcr clioil to diMcuMT :uid {Mtint out a way b) whirh 
ibik nti^4rhaJlcc' umy Ih* iuiti;^iiti d ur averted to the Suiill). It 
liiu Ik-cii u Ion;; tinn*, at leiuit twciitv >eur.s, since 1 wus Noilh 
of Majtuii ttiid l^ixuii'h lin<-, but I theu saw wouivii tiiere with 
w'huni to Ik- capli\ati-d wa.sa tiling oleotirsc. 

A Southern gentleman wriliiti; home in th<«M-* days would 
have to re\er>e (Jumu s da.shini^ leltirr. and wiito. I rann\ I 
tvtw, I am ront^uercil. And to be tiisenehuiiteil. he woidd (eel to 
Im- OS inipossihU-or ini|iructiiaiile ii!»ab<>liliun it.s> ll. '1 he Norlh- 
eni Im-iilitv WU.S suddenly in xoled with a new interest. A 
i0UM-r\ati\e coun»e uua felt imiH>Ksible. I'ltraisni wuh the 
• irder of the day. And if he eoulii ni>t succeed to pursuadc iJic 
Nortbi rn lair to (itk« liini, "lor Ik iter, lur worse,' he was lain 
!<• bet.l a hjM.t^ly n treat, to inler|H<s<' the utlractionsof .Southern 
Uauty a^ an antidote to the p!eA.sin|; poison he felt eour>iliu 
hiA \eiuji. 

Hut the Soutlii riu*r did not always .si;;h in vain, and I 
lik\e Lu»wu lair Hbi>lilii)ni.sUs of the Noitli «-iidued with that 
eliarininK inroiLsiMeiu-y considered bv Nome woman h greatest 
rUann, tu coim-hI loroiue tn the South, and not only Ml a bright 
e\aaiplc u* Under w ive» and mulhii5, but a> moi«l kind inis- 
lrv«N;*of pUntall01t^. 



But perhaps, gentlemen of the South, vou have not all been 
to the North, and as\\e desire to unite tfie whole South in an 
erton to extricate it from the sad dileiiuna in \Nhieh it lies, \vc 
must endeavor to ijive you as graphic a description as pos^ihle of 
\\\\n* we have seen, that you may enter fiilK into our senti- 
ments. You have vfad Cooper's story of the I'ioneers : if ro, 
must have admire<l V'li/.aheth Temple, the heroine, and her no 
less interesting friend, Miys tirev. Vou nnist also ha\»' read 
Miss Leslie's deliijhtful n«\v novel, and fallen m lovi- with her 
eharmini; heroine. Amelia ("otterel, if vou have a s|)ark of ro- 
mance. 1 enn tell vou. th\-n. that these are not lictitious char- 
acters, but drawn from real life, as anv one niav sec who will 
make a tour to the North. 

But 1 will endeavor to furnish you on the spot with occular 
demonstration, which is better than the most jjlowinp; descrip- 
tion. Look, here is the J\me nnmher of (iodey's Lady's Book. 
Look at this en2;ravinc; of "one of our contributors." Those 
fair Northerners have not only be-auty in jx-rfection, but i^enius 
and talent- Take a 2;ood look at her. Did you ever see any- 
thiniij more beautiful, more lovelv, at the South. And how 
modest atid gentle she is. She loolis as Eve niiij;ht have looked 
when she first opened her eyes on the beauties of Paradise ; 
timid, but admirinij the scene and £;ratefullv adoring; Him who 
made such a beautiful world. Who "one of our contributors" 
IS, whether she is Fannv Linton or Graee Greenwood, or — in 
short, the tantalising editor refuses to give her sweet naine, but 
only says she is young and single, and one of those gifted ladies 
whose pens have so delightfully beguiled away the monotony 
of country life at the South. But here, again, is the September 
number of Graham's Magazine ; look at this, over the name of 
Angila Mervale. I have seen this lady, at least her exact 
counterpart. Sh« Avas a f;nr Boslonian. Sec what an arm and 
hand she has, what a neck and bust, what a graceful posture. 
And then the face divine. I wish we could see her foot and 
ancle, my favorite points; but if she is the lady I mean, they 
are perfect. But take her as she is, without counting the inter- 
esting story connected with her name, and what bachelor among 
you can look at Angila MeTAale without finding hi.s thoughts 
revert at once to that ceremonv which deserves, par excellence 
to be called the (cremonv, and which we have all. at sometime 
of life, at least, thought more interesting and desirable than the 
inauguration of President and Vice President of the United 
States. 

But here is another. Here is Godev again, the July number 
plate of fashions-. I have seen the original, or counterpart, of 
3 



34 

thot purlmit uu the li-t't, »\i<- uliu Icuii.'* pi:ii!>ivt-ly ou tmc arm 
|lliili- the odii-r in thrvnn i;r.urrully biu.'k. Slu* re»idc«. or liid 
resMc, iu Ni-w ^'ork. DiJ you c\cr see a fwc lliat uiiile<l hut U 
liiinuuuy uiul rcgulurily of iVaturc and di-licacv of coloring, with 
auch piquuiicy of t-vprcKtiua. And tlu-ii her dress, su ^illl{)ly 
elegant ; ruiuiinu ba^^ajif, she sccuis to know well eiunitrh ««• 
nr<! rr^ardiiig her ii(iiiiiriui(ly oil the time bhc preteridt> to he 
li»tci)iu^ to her fuir rotnpanioit. 

liut heri , ni^iu, is iiijotlier. in CJodey's book for June plate 
of fashions ; bhe on the riHht with the shade crecL i have weu 
lur aUi), u fuir Philadclphiini. NVhat an e.\<|ui>ile face, what 
b«ii'ij»in^ altirc, what i;ru!<l"iil nuneineut. We fancy elysiiuu 
in the proinenad«*s of Phihuh-lpliii where tread hueh pretty 
fert. \n(l SAW you ever a luore teni])tin^ month. It L*j u pi-r- 
f '1 ; and she hoMs it up, too, $<> temp(iu;{ly, a& if she 

\\ „ up to ;iivt Mr. (JaJhouii, .Mr. UehHer, .Mr. Ben- 

ton, or some other veteran statcsuiun, the wme delicious ^reetr 
inj^ which ^* • • 'V.v nerluips, so lately to Mr. Clay : while she 
){lanccs at ; <i{ Mr. Bnehajian, .Mr. lleverdy Johnson, 

y[. M., . ,j__ ,.,c5uu. Mr. Andrew Stewart, and many oth- 
e. Mr. Murdock, nil evidently worthy of the same 

ri\>. ; ., '< I whom she deems too youa;f yet, or too simple, to 
b« Iru-sltd t'i nceivu it- 

lie:iu(ifiil pictures of which I have^J 
.1 I ci»iinterpiirt,s, amoni( our fairr 
toiint; .\i)iiii. But 1 suppo.sc they are all por-- 

tniil*- • Philudelphia, where those «-xcellent .Ma^. 

i; rWt«.d, although it is not .so said : ceitcs, there ii 

U' Ml ere fi'r an artist to draw uj>on his fane v.— i 

A eyes, you who have the opportunity, tiv^ 

^> -> and lobbies, tilled with the lair dau:{hters 

vf both tile North and South, where so many come daily, a^ 
tuey ^uy. to hear the tlebates, but really wc huspeet to llirt witlf 
the baeJulor members and gallant marrit^d men whose wives 
a^e indulgent or o»tl of the way, and say if they do not present 
■'. l|lo^t beautiful, animated, and perfect contirmatioii of all I, 

I,.., . : t ..„) jjl J Imyt- J,,1J yuy_ 

MMue of iiueh ^ems o( beauty and lovclinciis to have 

t'lMK ij i!H II utti-ntjori to polities, a.s .Vun-riean women are apt Uu 
Jo; and Mjp|H>se they should ^et wmnn on the subject of abo- 
li'i ' li, b( int{ on the wronj; side of the Ohio and Milsoui 

a line, th« y are .min- to do; and suppost: them eoU 

he till ui Minie eh:; HI I l)iiiidoir at the North or .Northw<'st, audi 
btve laid lluir j»< tty little heinb toKelher to draw up ami send 
a |H.-lIUun tu ( uUKfe^x. It is ' writ with a ciou cpiill un giil 



35 

edced paper," perhaps with all thi- pathos of w liieh any onenf 
the fair (•c>iitrii)Utor-N to the aforesaid mau;a/iiies miirht hr rapn- 
ble. It is read, and excites dt-ep feelinir atnoii;; the fair niidi- 
tors. Numerous sweet voices, jsll talUini; at oiwe, make mnsir 
more delii^litful than any coiieert of birds. K;ieh is eamT to 
siijii, and with bri^lit eyes suHiised with tears, and l)os(»ins 
heaviiiii; with emotion at the recital of iniacfinarv woes, nd)v 
lips breathe soft orisons for success. It is sent to t^oni^rt-Ks; and 
then, oh! finale most nnromantie for snch a scene, it must be 
thrown sternly and iiinominiously on the table, tlx-re to remain. 
No committee of correspondence can be appointed, composed of 
Southern bachelors or gallant married men, to examine it, and, 
if stern political necessity recpiires its rejection, to soften such 
rejection, and propitiate by compliments, excuses, &.c. None 
to encpiire, respectfully, whether the continuance of the favor 
and £;ood i^races of the fi\ir petitioners is to be expected after 
such rejection; and if the answer is No! no anxious committee 
of conference can be appointed, of tlie same materials, to ascer- 
tain, by personal interview, if it is the 7?o that means yes, whi( !i 
ladies sometimes use. None of these thinixs can be done, but a 
paper, gemmed, perhaps, with the tears (however needlessly 
shed gallantrv will never eiujuire) of our ])rettv eountrvw omen, 
is throAvn ignominiously on the table, there to be huddled w ifh 
papers emanating from all sorts of places and all sorts of people. 

Perhaps something might be done to mitigate the unijualified 
hardsliij) of the position of Southern statesmen and Southern 
men. It is true, that statesmen are not at liberty to use the 
words of honest old Sir Geoffry Osbaldistoue, " It shall never 
be said there was but one woman at Osbaldistoue Hall, and she 
died for want of not having her will." Public trusts and pub- 
lic duty recpiire a spirit more unyielding, lint surely gallantry 
might provide some fitting receptacle, some delicate urn or or- 
namented vase, fragrant of roses, to hold these interesting eflu- 
sions of our fair countrywomen, and propitiate their autliors and 
signers. Commending this subject to the due consideration of 
every gallant Southerner, we will now pa.ss on to the relation 
of what has been done and endured by the North, for the sake 
of the Union and our common country. 

It has been observed already that the North h;us not been 
called upon, like the South, by uncontrollable circumstances, to 
endure and make sacrifices for the sake of tiie South. Had 
such been the Civse, there are siijns of devotion '-in her every 
look and act" to show what would then be her demeanor. Has 
not the North ever been to the South like a fond and devote«l 
sister? And as such a sister will deck her favorite with the 



3G 

briKliH**' orn>.initrDt9 nud the chuicist mttirt*. to U^s the Nurtb 
•howfred ujMjti Uic S««ulli, •• u* Iroin mi urn, the houorv) of the 
K«[.ul>Uc, wayward and erroneous as shr MMnrtiiiirs pruteftU the 
'^••uili to \m-. So that th«- iHttcr b«*Kiii» to n>k, W li\ is it e>er 
thiisf \N liv will \uu not Irt nit* do hoini-thiut; lor you; your 
o*vn fjrrat uiid di»tint;uivlit*d m>us r Thry haxc K:i\iM) ample 
ptoofA, ill vour Statf rotiniiU, ol thi* hiciickt uider ol stutt'Knian- 
»hip ; tlu-v liAve made your land to Mnilr and blo&>oiii a» the 
ro»f — a ^erv Kden : they havt- givm aniplc proofs in our Na- 
tional C'ouiirils of the Minr qu.ilitications, of the highest talents 
and the purest patriotisin. Why will >ou not convnt to crown 
them with the riniplet of political honors, the testimonials of 
our mutual f^ror. 

Kveii the niolrutation to which the South is to much exposed, 
and of which she so mtuh complain*, upjwurs to proceed in a 
Creat measure from the well-nwairt, but mi!«(aLen, ellorts of 
Northern men to benelit the South. For. 1 In-lieve in my 
heart, that not one moment could the abolitionist *tund or tind 
fa\or at the North, after our Northern brethren cease to belic\e 
that his elVorls are meant and calculated f«»r our express benefit. 
I belioe in mv heart, that could a majority of our fellow -citi- 
zens of the Noith l>e made to understand our pe<uliar dilhcul- 
tie» on this Mibject. our time of trial and of trouble would at 
once be ended, so far us it pro<ee«ls from the misconduct of in- 
dixiduals anions: tln'm. .\inl now . if we prtK-erd to recount 
w hat the North has d<»ne f«»r the South, we must ri cite a cata- 
lopiie of beiiefit.«i far longer than this address can admit or contnin. 

The N<»rth ha.s been to the South like Indian or Peruvian 
mines of wealth. Kveii without the sphere of the National 
Councils, her a.ssistiiin capital and the genius of her preat men. 
her ( linton. W liitnev. Fulton, and .Morse, have (juadnipl. tl 
Southern wealth. And how much tlo we not owe, niid how 
much more miuht we not ovm-. if we wouhl, to llic counsels 
of .Northern statesmen, trained up as they are in thow Stai«- 
go\ crnnieiils wlii<h ha\e amply shown tliry know full well " t«» 
waiter plenty over a smilinn lantl. ' On this subject we rouM 
dilttti- ad iniihiluiH ; we could jioint to many distincuished ii>- 
diMduals ; we could cite numerous instancet and facts. Hut. 
ala», this w lu»le subject is ureatly mingled with party feuil^ and 
aniiiu>»itie<k. :ind a* we aie unwilliiii;. on the prcM-nt orcusion, 
to excite in the \f%$t degree party prejudice, we must turn to 
another. 

Whenever the South ban rrcpiircd militaty a^kistance the 
North ha* promptly ri-»|Mmded. Durinn the Inst war yvith 
tJreat Hritain, hmiiblirs were very tr«n»ient at the South , 



87 

aiul with till- iinporlccl luoUc ul' ouiuiuuiticuliitu tliea cxi»liog, 
before sieumbuuts ami railiuads \v«tu iu usi;, llu'V wtrc l;l'ii- 
cially over bt-tore as.sistuiu-e coulil arrive from the North. 
NevLrlhelcss, tlic uttcii(lai)coat thcaiiiniul fcstivul in Huhiinorf, 
ill mt'inory of the repulse of the British army, of a liind of 
tkleiiders from JViuisylvaiiia, now, ahis, but few, t>lio\\s that 
some were abh- to arrive in time. 

Hut if we take a retrospective ylancc to tile war of tlie 
Hevohitioii, we will see a dillerent seene. We will behold a 
seene far dillerent il we look i);uk to that period of time, w hen 
all the ellorts of valor and endurame of the brave troops of the 
("arolinas and (Jeor^^ia, aided by those of Delaware, \ iryinia, 
ami .Mar\land, were unable to stop the progress of the British 
arms; when after many hard-luuiiht battles, aflt;r meetini^ 
resolutely every hardship and sullerini; of fatitjue and distitii- 
tion, still the cause of freedom and independence was fast 
sinkiiiir low; when the British army had nearly o\errun 
those States, and the slern and hitherto invincible Cornwallis, at 
the head of a superior veteran army, carried fire and sword 
throuif bout \'ir<rinia also ; and the Southern Indians, moved by 
British influence, were m\isterin;f their savaije warriors to add 
their er\iel hostilities to the calamities of the devoted South ; if 
^ve revert back to that precise period of time, in which a nu- 
merous band of hostile Creeks, \inder (iluristersiijo, had secretly 
and unknown to the unsuspeclins; inhabitants, ])enetrated into 
the heart of the countrv, and were readv. at the instii;ation of 
the British, to burst upon them with all the atrocities of their 
savas^e warfare. 

If we look then at a certain part of Soutli Carolina, we will 
see a lartjc and veteran t'orce about to conclude their days march. 
Tlw'v have marched apparently a long distance. They have 
sutVered apparently extreme hardshij> ; and we can see in the 
war-worn countenances of the tired and droopinc; soldiers that 
the thousjhts of encampment and repose are sweet to them. 

The appearance of a uniform is that of the American army. 
They also bear the Ameiican standard. Who are tliose men ? 
They are the troops of the line of old Pennsylvania, ever faith- 
ful and true in the time of danger. And they iiave come, with 
the gallant Wayne at their head, all the way from that distant 
State. They have marched many hundreds of miles, and tht;y 
have suflered every privation of a long, toilsome, and dillicull 
route. And they are about to take their stand besidt; the men 
of Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, to assist the tr«>ops and 
people of the far South in their desperate struggh- for t'reedom. 
lor property, and for life. They encamp, and night soon eloMts 



lb' trrur. Ami M<t»n, i\r«-j»t tin- ik-cu^ioiiiiI >ii|f«- <»l iht* *• ■ 
nrlv t>ll t* ''(itl uo*! hu^lu li III njwiM-. iWi( Mi<l(i«Milv, •( lii-:- 
iiii^hl ttriv-% a •Miumt u lii< h M'cius tu pierct- ntxl iii:ik< ^ 
lh»* '♦•nh tin- M«nxf>t and lln- sLn . Tlif Nhri«-Us <i| tfii t 
fii ■ .' MTi'aiM iif It'll thouMiiul ]iuiitii(-rN 111 

fo(' .•-(• fM»uii(i« mure lit*ri't*. iii«iri wild, and I. 

B)»J>;illlli;4. ll IN it hoUIld U ilirll IK) ( ivili/l(i IIK'II rMlll-Nfril' 

Mliirli no rivili/ed men run f\(T liciir and iniHtakc Si!n< 
m-ouslv, brii;ht is tli«' llii»>li and drah nin^ thr r«-|iuit ul" n 
\rm riAc-*, and tlu* tramp of nn ii, und vt* know al oiuv lhi»' 
iil<*«'|>ini; AnuTican r-.'.iiiji i«> mi<U1«miIv a.s.t'aiilted l»v a lHfi»»' 1 
uf li(»tilr Indiana. ^^ ill iIiokc br.ivi' nu'ii. thus tuki-n uuuw^i 
faJI victinvi to tht*ir (ierce and wily aKHailantur Nu. 'I'iicit 
terrific \\arrri«-8 mav a|)iM»l tlif timid, but tlu-y only fiie tli<" 
hlu<H) of tb«- bnivt*. Tin' u-|iit<*ti sprin«; to tlu-ir arms %%ilba 
jihout'of hUrpriM', and biin<tin^ from tlu-ir t«*nt», inManlly strike 
at their cnt-mifs with Kuurds and b:i\on('t.s. Ofiiri-ra rush, 
Kword in hand, to rvi-ry point of diiiifjiT, cncouract* their men, 
and Icud into tli«' tii;hl. Ihit prompt, and «-onfidi-nt. and loud, 
Hinid>t thr iiprour, urc heard llir orders of Wayne and his Mntt. 
Keadv and Iniid are the ansuerinjj shouts of the men. Order 
in soon eiven to the fn-ree. tiiniulUioiis light. A fkilful inove- 
menl. whii-li none but \eteraii v.ilor could plan and exi^'Ute fi 
fiueh a nionuiit, insta! tlv hen»s in the more darinsrem mii-*, v 
their leadiT, >\ ho hud pen* (rated the eamp, und at the k 
time altiu'ks and press's hard on t!ie rest. And no\» the son 
joHJii heard from the li«-ld of battle tell lis that lh«- whites, i 
blo4Mi up, toutrint^ hiuh, art ^i\ in;; the swarthy rulhans liie 
chastisement they mi richly deH<rv»»<l. 

The moniiu'; t.uii finds tlie Indian fiiffiliT«*« far awa\ on 
their rapid lliuht, panic Mnn k. hack to their dismal will 
whfiire they li«d iwtued ut BiitiNli instiiratioii to bluusliter 
un'»nsp<'Ctitiu, defi-nreless jwoph* of the South. .\ii«l in 
• entre of the camp, stntolud on their baek», trim and mot 
{••Ht, lie (•ui. ' ' Nt de<iperale K.i\ A£:« ti, nnd Miii i 

their hands ' Mso their tom.iha'.x ks, thote 

tuinahauk<k \\ hii !i IjuI 1 't lla tinnly arrival of tin 
would RoiMMin ha\ elxvn re<| w ith lh<- IiIo<m1 nf ever\ 
Hut \V:ivne and hi* r - r s ten «i\ir tl 

falh n roninid«'». \n<\ id ihi* lemhr < 

of ' I Md<-«> \« ilh their < ' 

in \ e di-f'Midrrs, thi \ 

on ' nr<i<u lo fm the ns(,,| our army. Ol H 

wr\ .Is li» termiiintr the Southern war, il i« not i' 

rrmaty hrrc to sp«>ak ; nor of them* Infort- or rlw-whofp; nor 



Jiuw tltfir lir>t uiiival uii«l jiiii«'(iuii witli l.iira\ cttc in Vir- 
KiiiiM 111 si turiM'U tilt' lidr ul' >i( lory in o\ii liivor. It is laiiiiliar 
to evtiy Anierifau ac'inuiiitcd \\illi the liihtury <it his cuuntry. 
ll is uiiiifctfssmy to relate tlu-iu hi:i"t' ; ii*-itlu;r is it lu-ci'^wary 
h»Tc to rflute how the whole Nortlierii uriiiy hore doun rapidly 
iuto Virginia, with Wa:>hiu}i;ton at their head, and joiiiiiii; tiieiu, 
tl»e trot>pj; under Latayette and those uiidi r lUxhuiiibeuu, our 
i'rcnch ally, put a stop to the niaraudiut; tipeiatious of Corn- 
wullis. un<l \irtuully to the war, by eaptuiiii:; that ollieer aud 
all his iiriny ut Vorklown. It is t«)o well known in every 
particular to «very Aineriean. Sulliee it to say that the buttle 
h«Me described, it not tlie la-^t nor the first, appears to be eon- 
sidert'd one of the least ol the services rendered by this j)articu- 
lar corps aJone, in jissistini;; the Southern people to change and 
reverse the sad picture of their aluii-s before presented to view. 
IJut it may be said that |)erliaps the present i^eneration have 
} iKtlerent sentiments and ditlercnl fcelini^s ; that those early 
times of puie, devote I patriotism, tried in the eouimon alliietiun 
and suiferiufc, like uold in the lire, have ceiused to be. 
; And now our gnat Jiepublie is troubled, and in constant dread 
of the phantom of abolition ; thut it conies to her like the 
spectre whieh confronted the Uonian patriot, while pondering 
ut inidniifht over the prospects of his country, and ever says 
with nieuicin^ aspect : 1 am thy evil ejeuius; I will meet 
you to your doom on the first day of peril to the South, and 
tliat shall be your iield of I^hilippi. But can we not now say that 
field of rhilip])i has come and eone ; and victory, w Inch 
deserted aud felled the .standard of republican Rome, has borne 
aloft our star-spdnijled banner. 

The iMeiican war, w hat was it but the touchstone of North- 
ern patriotism ? Aud did not tlie North rill}? true in that war ? 
It w-cu> a war in which the .South oidy >va^ exposed, in w hich 
the South, we may ahnost sav, wa^ alone concerned, it w<is a 
war against a nation, abolitionist enough to deliglit .Mr. Garri- 
son, colored enough to satisfy tlie fastidious tastes of Mr. Gerritt 
Smith. 

, Long had the North listened to the voice of boastful aboli- 
tion ; to its seductive, plausible words, well capable, if not 
designed, to excit<! variance between the North and South. 
Aud the North listened in silence, and we began to think the 
North was alienated. 

Vet in that war, at tlie first cry of danger, at the first call for 
help, she instantly stamped her heel on the neck of prostrate 
abolition, and ru.shed to the jussistance of the South. I a.ssert 
that the solicitations of the Northern militia to be allowed to 



40 

Afht in thai war f«irh MnbiirrasM.-il ihc Etcculivc of the conn- 
irv. It Ma« nut only the troop* ol I.ouikianii. ol Mis!>i!>.>ippi ol' 
Tr\«« that iiiu»t b« nliuu-d ; not alone thoM* ut' ArkanMi». ol 
Su«itl) ( atoliiia of 'r«Miiin»s«-e ; not alone of Marvland. of Mis- 
»ntn oi Krittiirkv, aii<l llif \v liulc South', but, a\>o. those of 
lllinotv liuiiaiia. Ohio, iind the whole North-west, aiul thoM* of 
l*c<<iii*\ Ivania New \ork,nn(llhe whole North. Kven dis- 
tant MiUi<achuM-ttii must be allowed to M.*iid her reciinent. 1 
advert affain, that the H\eruti>e was end>urravM'd bv the Miliri- 
tAtiuns of the Northern \ olunteeis to be allowed to iijjht in thut 
war; one ral<Milated, in every partifulur, to test them on that 
point. The enthusiusm wm universul: aixl, hud hostilities ron- 
iiiiued inurh longer. 1 have little doubt thnt two n-ginierits of 
bold .Sew Knulanders iiiit;ht have been seen »iii their wav to 
the lield €A battle — .Mr. (jarrison beinij at the head of one, with 
.Mtr&kis. Hah- and .Sfxeranee for field otheers, aiul .Mr. (lerritt 
Sinitii at the head of the other, with .M»*sxrs. I'lilfrv un<l tJid- 
diiies an lield otticers, and ull elamttrous tor an op|Mirtunilv to 
intlKt ilestriution on the swarthv abolitionists of .Sle\ir«i. 

Considering these things, it appears irnpoKsible that anv will 
MM-rt thut there is any eon>>iderution connected w ith tlu- Free- 
^Mlil and n-ndition (pieslions, or anv feelin;; existint; in anv part 
of our rountrv, either existini; pre\iouslyor emjenderi-d bv 
them, or any intrinsic dithctdty lM'loni;intj to them, calculated 
tn prevent «>r dir^urb a M-ttletnent ol them on just, national 
and Male'tniiiniike principles. That our statesmen liave oit 
thesi- ({u«->tionH u clear field ; and. if they act w ith the juds- 
ment that has so lun^ and m> eminently distini;uished th« m. a 
«|uiei and bstinti »-<-ttlement of th«*se (|uestions is inevitable. 

.\nd now, tjentlenien of the N«>rth, before 1 conclude this 
verv imjierfect addre«*, 1 desire to make s«>nie I'urther remarks, 
of a nature, or for an object, soniew hnt dillerenl from that w hich 
i , ted the preceding — lor an object sonuw hat pers<in«l 

t I have endeavored to treat this inirntion fairly and 

l«>iit«dilv throu;;hout. and I will franklv shv 1 think we of ib- 
.*^<)u(li under^tatld it better than \ou. Vou, no doubt, think dil- 
ferentlv. Hut e\p<-rience is the best teacher in all cavs. aiid 
cirrum«tAncrs, bevond our control, haw forced ujK>n me and 
r%erv Southern man a deep consideration of this question, in all 
It* bearings. It cannot but be familiar to \i% all. and il deepiv 
roiK I rns u». And I, thcrebire, feel sutislied that the vjew^ 
wbirh 1 h«vr expressed are just and well founde<l throughout . 
that a ju»t, national, and statesmanlike M'ltlement of the Kre**- 
Sciil anii irndilion cjuitslions, and the priitriples which lead to 
It, arr %urh a<» I have slated. Hut il will be observed ihsl in 



•H 

these remarks I have not mmlo the admisbiou which Southern 
men soiiu'tinies nuikc and \s hiih Nortlicrn men ahvavs seem 
to expect, that slu\eiy U wioui; in the ahstraet, and only to be 
Justilied by uncontrolhihle cireunistaneett. 1 Inivc not said so, 
Decause I do not think so. I have not h^irned to conceal my 
opinions. I have not bowed the knee to abolition. I have 
paid it no compliments, for I think it deserves none. Although 
advocated by inuny estimable citizens, of both the North and 
South, I consider it always erroneous and i^t.nerally mischiev- 
ous. And I have therefore endeavored to j^ive rea>ons, which 
seem to me unanswerable, for a contrurv course. But I know 
the intlexibility of prejudice, and I have not the vanity to sup- 
pose that any attempt of mine, feeble as it must necessarily be, 
will succeed to remove it : w ill avail to make the trutli on this 
subject palatable to minds tVom which inveterate prejudice has 
long banished it. But, on the contrary, I know that any ex- 
posure of errors long held and cheri^he<l, however clear, how- 
ever forcible, has no ellect in peneral but to convey an unfavor- 
able impression of hini who makes it. And although we of 
^ the South regard but little the opinion*^ of selfish, canting Eu- 
ropeans, we are not, and cannot be inditlerent to those of our 
fellow-citizens and countrymen of the Northern States of this 
Union. Their approbation, their good opinion is very, very 
dear to us. For we feel assurred that whatever their views on 
the subject of abolition may be, yet, with tew exceptions, 
they would abhor to use any dishonorable, any unpatriotic 
means to promote them ; that they will refrain from any vexa- 
tious, any ungenerous course towards the South, and will ever 
ring true in any case of diiriculty and danger in which the 
South is involved. We would fain, then, before we conclude, 
advert to some other considerations to imjjress you that this 
subject, with us, also deeply concerns the feelings of the heart 
as well as the opinions of the head ; considerations which seem 
to me more likely to meet with a response in your own bosoms. 
In some parts of the North you have what is called Fore- 
fathers' Day, a day which you devolt;, annually, to the memory 
of your ancestors, (the brethren of ours. ^ and a grateful celebra- 
tion of their first arrival and settlement in this country. And 
it always seemed to me a beautiful cu><tom, and one to which I 
could wish we of the .South had something similar. We owe 
much to our ancestors: not only the transmission of lite, but of 
most that makes life desirable. Besides, any thing, a-s has been 
observed by a distinguished mnrnlist, that diverts the thoughts 
of man from the present, and directs them to the future or thi? 
p.'ist, elevates him in the scale oi rational beings and remove* 



4S 

f • '■ '• ' '* • '"'■'• * •'• . T'-iM'^n , arid it it pk-uing to me 
I '>of the North an? inclined 

lu I!- :i..: ■•!- c^iri . ....i-li thcif tueimjry . And, think 

vou that South have no »uch •^ntimi-nt — no such 

f • 1 i* 8'^ ancient :i« the North, and ran boast 

I : rs ill iui opinion, no U-ss iiublo — no le»^ 

A il Hitiiv of u«» rail revert hack more tlmi two 
) nr* in r«!niiiiM'cnct.-«. u'nl traditiiin«, which connect 

;iicfstor*; men of elevated M-ntime;its and 
I, men who wrved their country in every 

peiil. III «-\itv diiiKulty. whither at the North or S< i^h 
wh'thiT in the covmcil or tlu* field, and were Kom) citi/i ii*, 
pO'id neitjlibor* and 'jifxl men: but thev were ^luv<•holde^s. 

I'roni tlieiii, Minn* of u* have <lerived not only life, but pro- 
perty, orijjin.illv obtained bv slave l.ilK>r. and now so niiint lin- 
v*\. And with manv of us it would hv the cbm'. that if all tlje 
meml>er* of a numero'is connection who are slaveholders or 

' '\ with jilaverv, were not in life, we could then <ay 

II "there runs nrt a drop of my blood in the veins of 
•w ii\ .'••.; creature." (Jentleinen of the North, I feel that you 

• xpect too much of u« if vou expect ufs to profess abolition. 1 
feel that I cannot eons*iil to strike soft in this battle. A South- 

• rn man fi^lits now, in e\erv iMMise. j>ro arix rt fitris. and in 

I roiitlict can neither give nor take <piarter. He hii> too 
; at sttike. Nor shiuild \on cxjM'ct him to "roar you as gent- 
ly a-s the suckini; dove" on tin- subjert of abolition. \nd have 
vou no MMitimcnts in vnur own bosoms that would lead vou to 
rc'jret th;it he sijould do otherwise. One-half of your country is 
klax rholdiii;;, and will, probably from choice, and certainly from 
n<T. ».*itv, forever so continue. .\re you w illini; that obloquy 
•khould be cast on any part of your country ' I do not come 
now to (juestion your patriotism; for, if I understand you 
aright, it is of a stamp to force you to side w itii yo»ir country 
ri(»ht or wrong. .\ numh<'r of her most inHuenlial and eminent 
utatestnen are slaveholders. How often have they, as well m 
other ntati'smeTi of our country, -tept forward in tina* of dirticul- 
tv and saved the State from peril. And have you such confi 

• irnce in sublunHiv thinp* as to think we shall never again r» 
fj'iiie such M-rv ices ; and are vou willing to *<>e their influence 
i '•'«.. ned. and their power to breast the torrent of politirni trou- 
ble. Hut bnve vou on the b'*art. no name written, as well a^ 
»r nf tbr KiMti-Mnen of the p..st. which vou feel inclined to 
c'et'« fid frotn »■ ' repronch. \re we not all called the 
cbi'<iren of W 'I* he not calleil the futher of hit 
r ount nr ' The nim- wn« when lhr«>ughoiii thi»wide world. 



43 

every Anu'ticau stood treot when his naiin- was heard. Rut 
he was a slaveholder ; deriving descent from n lent; line of fore- 
fathers who were slaveholders. And the time is now at liand, 
if the spirit of ahnlitioii prevails, wiien we must han;; the head 
at the nanu' of Washington. And who recjnire us to do this? 
Men who come here rei kinc; from the rorruptiuns of Kurojie — 
moral, political, and so( ial — to teach morality and relicjion to 
the enlightened and virtuous citi/cns of this great Republic. 



EUR A T .\ . 
Pig© 6 Fourth line of 4th paragraph, for Landu read Landers. 

12 Second line from boltom, for "they would" read they should, Jtc. 

13 ITtli line, for " consideration" read examination. 

16 2"Jd line, the sentence commcnrine thus, " Besides, the word Jtr- 
ticf, as distinguished from labor and discharged, appears," should 
read as follows, Besides the words service (as distinguished from 
labor) and discharged, appear," &c. In the same patre, lOtli lino 
from the bottom, the first word. " national," should be mutual. 

24 7th line, for " unless authorized," read unless so authorized. 

£5 9th line from bottom, for " ofl'ered," read afforded. 

31 13th line, for " in consequence of certain abolitionists," read, ia 
consequence of the perversions of certain abolitionists. 4th line, 
tame page, for " North," read South. 



W46 



V 



♦* ■• '"^r 



O P 



/y ^;. 



